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U.S. Intelligence and Chile
I had met with Allende at a small seminar in Venezuela organized by
President Romulo Betancourt, an old friend of mine. We met around a table.
I was seated between Allende, who knew no English, and U.S. Congressman
Porter, who knew no Spanish. They got into an argument and were
expostulating at cross-purposes. Betancourt told them to go outside to
settle their argument, and asked me to serve as interpreter. We went to an
auditorium, empty but for us. Allende began making a speech as though he
were addressing a large crowd. He reminded me of the Ecuadorean politician
Velasco Ibarra who said "Give me a balcony, and I will take over the
country!"--which he did. Congressman Porter stared at Allende in amazement
and made circles by his temple with his finger, suggesting that Allende
was mad. I was able to prevent a fight.
Allende's oratory thrilled the Chileans and he became president. His
social program of helping the poor and children was public-spirited.
However, he made the mistake of inviting Fidel Castro for a long stay. They
were obviously plotting, and the U.S. decided that Allende must go.
Compounding this was the confiscation of the properties of the telephone
company ITT. Its president, Harold Geneen, was an unsavory character. He
has just died; for an appraisal see The Economist of 12/6/97. He spread ITT
into the hotel and gambling business, and as a result it has collapsed. He
was finally forced to admit that, in connivance with the U.S. embassy, he
had provided $350,000 for political purposes (!).
I passed through Chile while preparing my book The Scientific
Institutions of Latin America. Although I was not looking into political
affairs, I felt that something was wrong. The public affairs officer who
helped coordinate my visit (he may well have been a CIA man) knew nothing
about Chile and had no contact with the people. I don't know if he spoke
Spanish. His one obsession was to get the Commies.
He drove me down to Concepcion, hoping thus get to know the country
better, We passed through Chillan, which had been destroyed by an
earthquake. The Mexican government had built a splendid new high-school.
Its main feature was a mural, by the painter David Alfaro Siqueiros, in the
library depicting the history of Chile. I wanted to see it. The director of
the school said a meeting was being held in the library, but it took a
break so that we could see the mural. The public affairs officer examined
it at length, inspecting each of the many figures carefully. I thought he
was properly filled with admiration. On the way out, however, he said to me
grimly "I didn't see a Commie in the group." Probably the embassy had a
file of photographs of "Commies". I suspect the public-affairs officer did
not realize that the mural told the history of the nineteenth century.
I was invited to give a speech in Concepcion. I spoke in praise of
democracy; the applause was warm. I didn't know what was cooking, but the
public affairs officer decided I was a dangerous character. The result was
a grotesque comedy which, I imagine, did not improve his standing. More
about that some other time.
I had similar experiences when I was running the University of the Air. I have told that story in a piece I have written about that cultural program
beamed at Latin America. The United States needs a first-class intelligence
service, and the analysts in Washington are generally very good. But, with
agents in the field like that, who needs enemies?
Ronald Hilton 12-20-97
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Re: U.S. Intelligence and Chile
My piece on "U.S. Intelligence and Chile" has stimulated a variety of
responses. Naturally, the response was strongest from those who had some
direct involvement in Chilean affairs at the time. Gus Breene, who runs
the excellent Latin American News Service, recapitulates the events as he
reconstructs them:
It appears more likely that Allende killed himself which would be
in character for the individual you describe. More specific, however, he
was, from the obvious evidence, elected because of the failure as president
of Frei Montalvo.
(1) As we pointed out in Wkly 2.10, Allende received fewer votes
in his 1970 victory (36.6%) than he did in his 1964 defeat (38.9%).
(2) The "why" of this may be to some extent speculative, but Frei
Montalvo's PDC won the presidency in 1964 with 56.09%. PDC candidate
Radomiro Tomic received only 28.1% of the 1970 vote.
(3) What happened to the PDC vote? Clearly it moved over to the
Independent candidate Jorge Alessandri who received 28.1% whereas the
individual who could have been taken to be his predecessor in 1964, Julio
Duran, had received only 4.99%.
On this basis, the "people" clearly didn't want Allende, but they
apparently didn't want whoever the PDC candidate might have been; they
simply voted Independent.
The numbers say this much. It is logical to infer from this that
the electorate was fed up with the PDC and to infer further that they voted
for Alessandri as a protest against both principal candidates. Of course
this is a priori speculative, but the numbers certainly point that way.
Finally, it is speculative but rational to suppose that Frei
Ruiz-Tagle got the nod because he was Frei Montalvo's son, voters having
the short memories that they do.
Ronald Hilton 12-21-97
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More on U.S. Intelligence and Chile
Naturally, the strongest responses to my piece about Chile came from those
who were directly involved. Such is one of my favorite former students,
Dwight Peterson. I have always maintained that the best way to get to know
a country is to work there. However, you thereby become an ex parte
witness. Long-term policy must be based on careful consideration of the
results of any action. There are again demands that we assassinate Fidel
Castro and Sadam Hussein, even though such action is now forbidden. Dwight
Peteson is certainly right in calling attention to the Maoists. We have
often pointed out that China is now active in Latin America, using the
Maoists et al. as it thinks opportune. It is unfortunate that they have the
support of doctrinaire and/ or uninformed among some U.S. campus groups.
The Chilean issue is coming to the forefront again; the Spanish government
is conducting inquiries into the "crimes" of the Pinochet regime. Dwight
Peterson rightly calls attention to Chile's democratic tradition. Here is
what he says:
You are way off base on the Allende issue! I was the manager of the
Citibank branch in Concepcion, Chile in 1968 & 1969. Because of my
position, I was on intimate terms with all of the business and military leaders.
Allende's Socialist Party often tarred and feathered and released naked
members of the Communist Party in the main square because they were
considered too far to the right on the political scale.
The Miristas, the Mao Tse Tung style leftist guerrillas flourished there.
They were underground, of course, but were an extremely violent group! I had
a lot of contact with the Rector of the Universidad De Concepcion for public
relations reasons and I was trying to establish a program for local trainees
with the University. It eventually became public that the Rector's son was
the leader of the Miristas and the Rector eventually threatened my family
secretly if we didn't support terrorist candidates. This was the group that
Allende supported, or was it the other way around. It was not a pleasant time
and we left soon thereafter!
General Prat, who was head of the 3rd Military District in Chile which
included Concepcion and Talcahuano was a close acquaintance. He was always
charming and my wife loved him because he always kissed her hand when they
met! He later became a member of Allende's Cabinet. One day after returning
to the States in the early '70's I bought a copy of Time magazine and there on
the cover was General Prat sprawled dead on a street in Buenos Aires,
Argentina. To this day, I don't know whose side he was on!!
I have a multitude of friends who can tell you horror stories about the
takeover of businesses when Allende came to power and what they and their
families suffered. Frankly, I am offended by your implication that there was
anything wrong with assistance from any quarter in the overthrow of the
insidious Allende Regime!!! This was an overthrow of a Communist
Dictatorship which had enslaved the people of a traditionally democratic
country.
Ronald Hilton 12-21-97
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Re: U.S. Intelligence and Chile
My piece on "U.S. Intelligence and Chile" has stimulated a variety of
responses. Naturally, the response was strongest from those who had some
direct involvement in Chilean affairs at the time. Gus Breene, who runs
the excellent Latin American News Service, recapitulates the events as he
reconstructs them:
It appears more likely that Allende killed himself which would be
in character for the individual you describe. More specific, however, he
was, from the obvious evidence, elected because of the failure as president
of Frei Montalvo.
- As we pointed out in Wkly 2.10, Allende received fewer votes
in his 1970 victory (36.6%) than he did in his 1964 defeat (38.9%).
- The "why" of this may be to some extent speculative, but Frei
Montalvo's PDC won the presidency in 1964 with 56.09%. PDC candidate
Radomiro Tomic received only 28.1% of the 1970 vote.
- What happened to the PDC vote? Clearly it moved over to the
Independent candidate Jorge Alessandri who received 28.1% whereas the
individual who could have been taken to be his predecessor in 1964, Julio
Duran, had received only 4.99%.
On this basis, the "people" clearly didn't want Allende, but they
apparently didn't want whoever the PDC candidate might have been; they
simply voted Independent.
The numbers say this much. It is logical to infer from this that
the electorate was fed up with the PDC and to infer further that they voted
for Alessandri as a protest against both principal candidates. Of course
this is a priori speculative, but the numbers certainly point that way.
Finally, it is speculative but rational to suppose that Frei
Ruiz-Tagle got the nod because he was Frei Montalvo's son, voters having
the short memories that they do.
Ronald Hilton 03/16/98
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