Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The CPP-NPA seeks to overthrow the Philippine government in favor of a new people’s democratic state led by the working class, and the group also seeks to expel U.S. influence from the Philippines. Its other goals include redistributing land to the landless poor and initiating a cultural revolution. The CPP-NPA primarily models its armed struggle on China’s Maoist movement, focusing especially on the idea of a protracted people’s war and mobilizing the masses in rural areas.[54]
Passed in 1957, Republic Act No. 1700 banned the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) and any of its successors, including the CPP-NPA.[55] CPP-NPA leaders have often expressed opposition to engaging in political activity, including negotiations and electoral politics, and have instead emphasized armed struggle. However, despite verbally rejecting legal mechanisms for reform, the CPP-NPA has also sporadically engaged in peace talks with the Philippine government.
In 1973, a commission created by the CPP-NPA founded the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDF or NDFP). Attempting to unify and coordinate various leftist groups, the NDF served as an umbrella organization for the CPP-NPA and other mass revolutionary organizations. The NDF has engaged in talks and signed agreements with the Philippine government. Historically, the CPP-NPA has influenced the activities of NDF, and media and academic sources have sometimes described the NDF as the CPP-NPA’s political wing. The Philippine government, among others, has used the name “CPP-NPA-NDF” or “CNN” to refer to the whole entity formed by the interconnected CPP-NPA and NDF. Republic Act No. 1700 was repealed in 1992, thus legalizing the CPP-NPA. Regardless, the CPP-NPA has continued to verbally reject legal politics and still does not directly put forward its own political candidates in elections. The NDF has continued to represent the CPP-NPA in official negotiations.[56]
In 1995, under the administration of President Fidel Ramos, NDF and Philippine government leaders signed the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG). The JASIG paved the way for future peace talks by guaranteeing free and safe movement—without fear of search, surveillance, or arrest—throughout the country for those involved with negotiations, whether Philippine government officials, CPP-NPA members, or other NDF members.[57] The parties signed another significant agreement in 1998, the Comprehensive Agreement to Respect Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), which was an attempt to protect civilians from the violence between the government and the CPP-NPA.[58] However, talks broke down soon after CARHRIHL, and conflict resumed at high levels when Joseph Estrada assumed the presidency. The pattern of alternating between negotiations and violence continued throughout the 2000s. When Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo replaced Estrada in 2001, she held some negotiations with the CPP-NPA, but those negotiations stalled after the United States listed the CPP-NPA as a terrorist organization at Arroyo’s request in 2002.[59]
The CPP-NPA has also allegedly helped establish political parties, which are publicly not linked to either group. Some of those parties have performed well in congressional elections. For example, Bayan Muna, Gabriela, and Anakpawis – three parties thought to be fronts for the CPP-NPA and NDF – won a total of six congressional seats in 2004.[60]
When Benigno Aquino III assumed the presidency in 2010, the government again attempted talks with the CPP-NPA. However, continued fighting and alleged human rights violations by both sides have hindered the talks. The CPP-NPA has continued to conduct attacks and clash with Philippine forces, and the parties have been unable to agree on conditions for the resumption of negotiations. Within the organization, a rift between Sison and the local CPP-NPA leadership has grown due to the former’s growing willingness to engage in peace talks and the latter’s continued opposition.[61]
The CPP-NPA has generally focused on building support in rural areas, aiming to inspire a people’s democratic revolution among the peasantry. It deploys Sandatahang Yunit Pampropaganda (SYPs), which are armed propaganda units consisting of eight to fifteen fighters. The organization is guided by the Maoist idea of a protracted people’s war (PPW), which consists of three stages: strategic defensive, strategic stalemate, and strategic offensive. The CPP-NPA considers itself to be still in the first stage.
The CPP-NPA has historically used rural-based guerrilla tactics against small police or military units. It has also assassinated several individual Philippine and U.S. government soldiers, police officers, and officials. In the 1980s, it set up “sparrow” units, which consisted of one to five operatives, for urban assassinations. Especially beginning in the 1980s, the CPP-NPA has also engaged in urban guerrilla warfare and attempted more regularized military formations, such as battalions, to engage in large-scale, conventional attacks. In some regions, the CPP-NPA fought in groups of up to two hundred.[62] However, in the early 1990s, Sison’s criticism of these divergences from the strategy of rural-based guerrilla warfare led the CPP-NPA to return largely to its earlier tactics in the countryside.
The CPP-NPA generally targets politicians and government forces—using assassinations, bombs, or other means—but it has also attacked companies that do not pay “revolutionary taxes” to the CPP-NPA.[63] Because of its opposition to U.S. intervention and influence in the Philippines, the CPP-NPA has also attacked U.S. interests in the country. It conducted attacks against U.S. military installations before U.S. bases in the Philippines closed in 1992. After 1992, the CPP-NPA continued to target U.S. soldiers, embassy employees, and other personnel.[64]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization’s history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
While there is not much information on individual attacks, the CPP-NPA is one of the most active militant organizations in the Philippines and has waged the world’s longest Communist insurgency.[65] The Armed Forces of the Philippines has identified the CPP-NPA as the nation’s most serious threat, and, in 2013, the CPP-NPA claimed responsibility for nearly a third of the fatalities caused by terror attacks that year.[66]
August 21, 1971: Three members of the CPP-NPA threw four grenades onto the stage of a Liberal Party rally in Manila’s Plaza Miranda. Then-President Ferdinand Marcos was initially blamed for the attack, which had killed much of his opposition (9 killed, 95 wounded).[67]
April 21, 1989: CPP-NPA operatives assassinated Colonel James Rowe, who led a U.S. Army division providing military assistance to the Philippine government (1 killed, 1 wounded).[68]
August 21, 2010: Approximately forty CPP-NPA fighters ambushed a police vehicle outside the city of Catarman, using two improvised explosive devices and gunfire. They killed all occupants of the vehicle (8 killed, 0 wounded).[69]
August 6, 2011: Approximately thirty CPP-NPA fighters kidnapped Henry Dano—mayor of Lingig, Surigao del Sur—and two of his bodyguards. The CPP-NPA released the captives in October after Dano publicly apologized for his alleged human rights violations (0 killed, 0 wounded).[70]
October 3, 2011: Three CPP-NPA units, totaling approximately two hundred fighters, attacked three mining companies in Surigao del Norte. The targeted companies allegedly had not paid the so-called revolutionary taxes to the CPP-NPA. CPP-NPA fighters took four hostages, who were released shortly, and caused around $1 billion in damage (3-4 killed, unknown wounded).[71]
January 27, 2013: Approximately thirty CPP-NPA fighters fired on a truck carrying policemen and civilians in the town of La Castellana (9 killed, 12 wounded).[72]
August 15, 2015: A CPP-NPA unit launched two attacks on the same day in the province of Agusan del Sur. The fighters destroyed a truck using an improvised explosive device and later attacked two men, one a civilian, and one a member of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) auxiliary forces. (1 killed, 1 wounded).[73]
The CPP-NPA has traditionally depended on rural peasants as its main support base. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, CPP-NPA members focused on building their support in the countryside. They taught and worked alongside peasants, as well as served as guards against bandits. Additionally, CPP-NPA members established important relationships with local leaders in the Catholic Church, leveraging the church’s network to reach even more potential supporters. In the 1970s and 1980s, many educated young people from urban areas joined the CPP-NPA’s rural bases, especially after President Marcos’ 1972 declaration of martial law that curtailed political activity. While the CPP-NPA eventually cultivated some support in urban areas, especially in Manila, the countryside has remained its greatest source of support.[77]
During the 1986 election, CPP-NPA urged the continued rejection of political reform mechanisms through an electoral boycott. However, the organization was sidelined by the People Power Revolution that swept Aquino into office. In the late 1980s, the number of moderate CPP-NPA supporters decreased after a new eruption of violence between the CPP-NPA and the Philippine government that derailed peace talks.[78]
In 2001, in contrast with its strategy in the 1986 election, the CPP-NPA supported the movement to oust then-President Joseph Estrada from office in favor of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. In the same year, Bayan Muna – a political party connected to the CPP and other groups in the Communist movement – was the most successful party in the congressional elections.[79]
In its early years, around the 1970s, the CPP-NPA sought support, weapons, funds, and training from like-minded groups overseas, including the Japanese Red Army (JRA), the Maoist factions of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the Sandinistas, the Communist Party of El Salvador, and many other organizations; the CPP-NPA’s efforts were partially successful. The CPP-NPA has been linked to several Communist or leftist groups in the Philippines through the NDF, which serves as an umbrella for many organizations, including the Cordillera People’s Democratic Front (CPDF), the Revolutionary Council of Trade Unions (RCTU), and the Liberated Movement of New Women (MAKIBAKA).[80]
The Second Great Rectification Movement in the early 1990s split the CPP-NPA into reaffirmists and rejectionists, creating splinter groups like the Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB). The relationship between the CPP-NPA and the ABB has been hostile, with clashes between the groups. The ABB has also cooperated in government operations against the CPP-NPA.[81]
The CPP-NPA has allegedly cooperated tactically with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF); their cooperation has mainly involved avoiding clashes with each other and the safe movement of CPP-NPA operatives through MNLF- or MILF-controlled areas. The CPP-NPA has never collaborated in attacks with these groups, and the CPP-NPA viewed the MNLF’s 1996 peace agreement with the Philippine government as a betrayal of a revolutionary cause. There have been no reported relationships between the CPP-NPA and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) or other militant groups in the Philippines.[82]
From its 1969 establishment until the 1976 normalization of Philippine-Chinese relations, the CPP-NPA received support, weapons, and funds from China. However, even though the CPP-NPA modeled its armed struggle on China’s own Maoist movement, Chinese support for the CPP-NPA seems to have been limited. The CPP-NPA also sought support, weapons, funds, and training from like-minded groups overseas, including the Japanese Red Army (JRA), the Maoist factions of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the Sandinistas of Nicaragua, the Communist Party of El Salvador, and many other organizations. The CPP-NPA’s efforts to elicit support from these groups were only partially successful. The extent of the group’s connection with other foreign groups is unknown. Although the CPP-NPA attempted to expand its presence and support abroad from the 1970s onward – for example, by dispatching representatives throughout Europe and the Middle East – those efforts appeared largely ineffective, especially after the general decline of Communist groups in the late 1980s and 1990s.[83]
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