Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The Islamic State’s ideology is rooted in Salafism – a fundamentalist movement within Sunni Islam – and Jihadism – a modern interpretation of the Islamic concept of struggle, often used in the context of defensive warfare. Salafis believe the most pure, virtuous form of Islam was practiced by the early generation of Muslims (known as Salaf) who lived around the lifetime of the prophet Muhammed.[242] While other conservative Islamist movements espouse similar ideas, Salafism separates itself by trying to recreate the actual lifestyle and behavior of these early Muslims instead of simply adhering to the same religious beliefs.[243]
Interpretations of Salafi philosophy differ widely, and the movement is not inherently violent. Scholars generally distinguish between three types of Salafism: (1) quietist Salafism that emphasizes conservative a lifestyle but lacks ambitions to change the trends of broader society; (2) political Salafism that seeks to replace secular regimes with conservative ones; and (3) jihadist Salafism that advocates violence to defend against the dangers of secularism.[244] Jihadism is a modern interpretation of the Islamic concept of jihad, which is broadly used to justify defensive warfare against oppression in extreme circumstances.[245] Modern jihadi groups have molded this philosophy to justify their terrorist activities as defense against attack by Western countries.[246] Salafi jihadists emphasize the military history of early Muslims communities and view their actions as divinely justified continuations of this legacy.[247] The Islamic State is considered a Salafi jihadist group.
Related to these beliefs is the Islamic concept of takfir – excommunicating another Muslim and declaring them a non-believer.[248] IS applies takfir to Shias, secular Middle Eastern governments, governments partnered with the West, and Sunni communities that reject IS’s extreme views and strict interpretation of Shariah law. Under takfir, these groups are now potentially enemies, and IS’s use of defensive jihad against them is justified.[249]
Since its inception, the Islamic State has sought to establish an Islamic caliphate based on its Salafi philosophy and fundamentalist interpretation of Shariah law.[250] Below is a chronological explanation of how the group’s goals and ideology changed throughout its existence. In its earlier iterations as JTJ and AQI, the group focused on achieving more concrete goals, such as driving foreign forces from Iraq. As the organization grew, it put more emphasis on the establishment of a caliphate and the creation of a global Salafi jihadist movement.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
After the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, JTJ sought to drive foreign forces out of the country and prevent Shia Muslims from taking over the Iraqi government.[251] This goal was shared by a number of nationalist, Ba’athist, and other Islamist forces in Iraq.[252] JTJ also sought to impose its extreme interpretation of Shariah and eventually found an Islamic state.[253]
In October 2004, Zarqawi formally joined Al Qaeda and renamed his organization Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI).[254] In March 2005, the group released an explanation of its ideology which largely deviated from the beliefs of AQ leadership. AQI regarded secularism, nationalism, tribalism, Ba’athism, and other beliefs and doctrines as violations of Islam. The group believed that all Sunni Muslims made up a single nation and considered Shias to be apostates. AQI committed itself to spreading its own extreme interpretation of Islam and ultimately eliminating other belief systems from the world.[255]
There were serval points of disagreement between AQI and AQ. The two groups targeted different enemies with their terrorist attacks and warfare. Bin Laden and leaders of AQ directed their attacks against the “far enemy” (i.e., the United States and the West), while AQI leader Zarqawi preferred to fight the “near enemy” (i.e., secular regimes in the Middle East and Muslims who opposed the group’s views).[256] Zarqawi did not have any reservations about targeting Muslims; he specifically disdained Shiites, a hatred that was not shared by AQ leadership.[257] Bin Laden and AQ also criticized Zarqawi for his indiscriminate use of violence and extreme brutality. Bombings that deliberately targeted civilians and other Muslims made AQI extremely unpopular throughout the Middle East and damaged the image of Al Qaeda.[258] These ideological differences introduced a growing tension in the AQ-AQI relationship.
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
After Zarqawi’s death, AQI still sought to drive U.S. forces out of Iraq. Additionally, AQI opposed Shia control of Iraq and aimed to undermine the transitional government. However, the group was weakened by a surge of U.S. troops in 2007 and waning support from its traditional areas of influence in the Sunni triangle.
After U.S. troops withdrew from Iraq in 2011, IS capitalized on the exclusion of Sunni communities by the Maliki government and began regaining power in northern Iraq. Its ultimate goal became the establishment of a caliphate within Iraq and the destruction of the secular, Shia-led government.
AQI and ISIS expansion under Baghdadi: January 2012-2014
Although AQI continued to oppose Iraqi security forces, the group failed to prevent a Shia government. After Nouri al-Maliki won the 2010 election and was re-elected as Iraq’s prime minister, he concentrated government power with other Shia Muslims.[259] Aiming to collapse the Maliki government, AQI began attacking government targets more aggressively as part of Baghdadi’s 2012 “Breaking Walls” campaign.[260]
In 2013, Baghdadi announced AQI operations in Syria and emphasized the goal of establishing a fundamentalist Sunni Muslim state in Iraq and Greater Syria.[261] After finding some success, the group focused on capturing territory. It enforced its interpretation of Shariah law in areas under its control and changed its name to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).[262] In June 2014, Baghdadi formally declared a caliphate and altered the group’s name again to the Islamic State (IS). Baghdadi also demanded that Muslims and other jihadist groups declare allegiance to IS.
IS contraction under regional and global pressure: 2014-2018
IS activities within its caliphate mirrored its ideology and goals. IS implemented religious codes to emulate the lifestyle of the Prophet Muhammed and his early followers. The group promoted adherence to its codes by paying local children to patrol IS territory and monitor behavior. Violations of IS laws warranted immediate action, often in the form of public beatings or, in extreme cases, execution.[263]
As IS accumulated more territory, the creation of a bureaucracy and establishment of a functioning state became a central goal of the organization. IS created a complex taxation system to fund government programs and military campaigns, and the group used the threat of violence to ensure these state services functioned efficiently.[264] For a more specific explanation of IS’s bureaucracy and taxation system, please see the Resources and the Targets & Tactics sections of this profile.
After 2014, IS began developing a global jihad network with affiliates and colonies outside of the Middle East.[265] Inspiring terrorist attacks in these new regions became a central goal of IS. For more information on Islamic State affiliates and colonies, please see the Geographic Locations and Relationships with Other Groups sections of this profile.
Death of the IS caliphate and return to insurgency: 2018-2021
By 2018, it was clear that IS had been defeated by the global coalition. Weakened militarily and without territory under its control, the group reverted to a rural insurgency in Iraq and Syria.[266] In an April 2019 video, Baghdadi appeared for the first time in five years and addressed the recent destruction of the caliphate.[267] He explained that the defeat of the caliphate was temporary and that the Islamic State would return to the region again.[268] Baghdadi also accepted new alliances with groups in Mali and Burkina Faso, and he acknowledged IS’s role in the April 21, 2019 bombings in Sri Lanka.[269] The speech reaffirmed the centrality of IS’s goal to lead a global jihad movement and build a caliphate under its control.
After Baghdadi's death in October 2019, IS's An-Naba newspaper released a list of "next steps" that the group's new leadership would take in pursuit of the long-term goal of re-establishing the physical caliphate. Such steps included: reaffirming the group's commitment to Zarqawi's determination to fight the "near enemy" while not overlooking the "far enemy;" increasing its anti-Semitic rhetoric and attacks against Israel; expanding its areas of operation outside of Iraq and Syria; reconciling with and continuing to develop political inroads within the Sunni communities of Iraq and Syria; rhetorically and militarily undermining the Iraqi state; re-imposing religious rule along its ideological lines in areas sympathetic to or controlled by IS; and beginning a more concerted outreach effort through both traditional proselytizing and expanded social media activity.[270]
The group never engaged in legal politics. Instead, it has sought to establish its own state in territories under its control. IS created a system of government and provided public services in IS-held areas of Iraq and Syria. After losing control of its territory to the international coalition, IS governmental structures largely dissolved. The development of the IS state is described chronologically below.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
The group never established a state under Zarqawi, but it did begin formulating its goals to establish a future caliphate. A letter intercepted in 2005 from Zawahiri (then an AQ leader, now the group’s emir) to Zarqawi indicated detailed plans for the establishment of a caliphate in Iraq.[271] Public pronouncements from Zarqawi, including his 2004 pledge of loyalty to Osama Bin Laden, revealed his acceptance of AQ’s goals and plan to create an Islamic homeland in Iraq.[272]
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
After October 2006, AQI focused on the creation of institutional infrastructure for a religious state. It formed the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) and attempted to rebrand itself as more Iraqi. Though AQI tried to impose order in the regions it controlled, it failed to establish an effective state structure and was becoming weaker due to Sunni resistance and increased American troop presence.[273] By 2007, AQI was too weak to provide security or enforce its extreme interpretation of Sharia law.[274]
Despite having little real power, AQI had developed a sophisticated organizational structure by 2009, which laid the groundwork for future expansion following the withdrawal of U.S. troops in 2011. In Mosul, AQI had both a provincial emir and a deputy emir, as well as five emirs for each of the group’s pillars: security, sharia law, military, administration, and media. Five more emirs served under each of the pillar emirs to oversee a specific section of Mosul relating to their pillar (e.g., South East Mosul – Military).[275] This organizational structure was mimicked by the Islamic State’s caliphate in 2014.
AQI and ISIS expansion, IS contraction: January 2012-2018
After expanding throughout Iraq and Syria, ISIS established a semi-federal government.[276] Baghdadi stood at the top of ISIS hierarchy as Caliph.[277] Alongside Baghdadi operated the Shura council, a group of advisors who oversaw the appointment of other government officials and checked the authority of Baghdadi.[278]
Below the Shura council and Baghdadi were 14 central government departments, known as diwans. The diwans managed the following 14 areas: education, public services, precious resources (i.e., oil and antiquities), Da’wah activity and mosques, health, tribal outreach, public security, finances and currency, public morality (Islamic police), Islamic court (i.e., marriages and judicial matters), public relations, agriculture/environment, fatwas/recruitment, and military/defense.[279] These government departments were replicated on a regional level where local authorities maintained some decision-making power.[280]
ISIS also established ground level control in new areas it conquered. After capturing a city, ISIS held outreach events and distributed reading material to introduce civilians to its religious interpretations and organization structure.[281] After securing the region, the group made the laws stricter, installed religious police, and took over the education system. These local religious police reported back to central IS commanders who kept meticulous records of interactions with local populations and infringements on ISIS laws.[282]
Death of the IS caliphate and return to insurgency: 2018-2021
The destruction of the caliphate resulted in the dismantlement of IS’s government institutions. Globally, IS central command exerts some degree of control over its international provinces; however, the extent of communication between the center and these peripheral elements is unclear.[283] In April 2019, Baghdadi pledged to continue its global jihad movement.[284] Baghdadi's successor Qurashi and other senior members of the group have made similar promises to continue its global jihad and re-establish the physical caliphate.[285]
IS’s targets have shifted throughout its existence. During the Iraq War, the Islamic State (then known as AQI) primarily targeted U.S. and coalition forces, as well as Shia civilians, Shia militias, and Sunni militias who resisted AQI’s presence. In opposition to the commands of Al Qaeda Central leadership, AQI frequently targeted civilians and other Muslims in brutal suicide bombings and attacks.[286] As U.S. and coalition forces withdrew from Iraq, the group began targeting the Maliki government and local Shia militias.[287] IS expanded throughout northern Iraq in 2013 and began attacking rebel groups and local militias in Syria.[288] The group eventually joined the broader civil war in Syria, targeting the forces of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and the Turkish government.[289] Additionally, IS fought other rebel groups and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), an alliance of militant groups backed by the United States and some of its allies.[290] In the territory under IS control, the group instituted oppressive laws against local communities. More specifically, the group persecuted non-Sunni religious groups – including Shias, Yazidis, and Christians – as well as homosexuals and secular leaders.[291]
IS’s tactics are multifaceted, reflecting the versatile nature of the group. IS functioned simultaneously as a state, an insurgency, and a terrorist organization. The group’s strategy involved a complicated bureaucratic system to fund its war effort; a light, organized military; and a strong media presence to recruit new members and inspire attacks abroad.[292] After the caliphate’s defeat in 2019, IS has transitioned to a more traditional terrorist organization, developing a network of sleeper cells and maintaining its online presence.[293] More detailed information regarding IS’s targets and tactics is outlined below.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
Following the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, JTJ moved to Iraq and targeted U.S. forces and interests. The group attacked oil companies, the United States and its coalition partners, the Iraqi Police, the Iraqi National Guard, Iraqi politicians, and civilian and humanitarian aid workers.[294] These attacks aimed to deter Iraqis and foreigners from aiding the U.S. occupation of Iraq or supporting U.S. plans for a new government. A number of these targets were also shared by nationalist and Ba’athist forces that participated in the insurgency. In addition to these attacks, JTJ attacked Shiite targets to provoke Shia-Sunni sectarian violence that would make it more difficult for the U.S. to carry out its mission.[295]
JTJ gained notoriety for its consistent use of suicide bombings, while other insurgent groups continued to use guerilla tactics that targeted the U.S. and coalition forces.[296] JTJ also carried out a number of assassinations, beginning with the death of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) official Laurence Foley in Jordan in 2002. The group targeted Iraqi officials participating in the transitional government, including Izzedin Salim, the chairman of the Governing Council of Iraq.[297]
JTJ also abducted and executed foreign civilians.[298] The first videotaped beheading – that of the American Nicholas Berg in 2004 – drew global publicity and condemnation. AQI leader Zarqawi claimed to be the executioner in the video, which was later verified by the CIA.[299]
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
AQI continued to target U.S. and coalition forces, as well as their allies and supporters. The group also attacked Iraqi government officials and forces, Shiite civilians and religious sites, and popular Sunni leaders who opposed them. AQI regularly used suicide bombings and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to destroy targets.[300] AQI began to compete with other Sunni groups for leadership of the insurgency in Iraq. In 2007, the group started to use chlorine gas in conjunction with conventional explosives to target civilians and other Sunni militants.[301] However, such tactics were criticized, and reports of chlorine attacks stopped around May 2007.[302]
Tensions arose between AQI and the Al Qaeda central leadership over the targeting of civilians. Both groups shared an ideological opposition to non-Sunnis, but Al Qaeda urged Zarqawi to focus his efforts on the “far enemy” (i.e., the United States and other Western countries) and minimize Muslim casualties.[303] Zarqawi insisted that AQI should target “near enemies” who opposed AQI’s presence, regardless of their religion and nationality.[304] This rift continued to grow and was a major factor leading to the split between AQ and IS in 2014.
AQI and ISIS expansion, IS contraction, and death of the IS caliphate: January 2012-2021
IS strategy since 2012 can be broken down into four main categories: military, bureaucracy, terrorism, and media.
Military
After the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq in 2011, AQI military goals centered around the expansion of territory in Iraq and Syria. Baghdadi began a new era of IS tactics in July 2012, announcing a campaign of “Breaking Walls” to free AQI militants from prison in an effort to provide IS with soldiers.[305] This endeavor helped create a large fighting force for the group and give them momentum to seize territory in northern Iraq. In July 2013, the group targeted Iraqi security forces in a campaign called “Soldier’s Harvest.”[306]
These initial campaigns relied on guerilla tactics, including bombings, assassinations, and small-scale attacks. As ISIS expanded into a legitimate military force, it developed a “blitzkrieg” style strategy designed to strike fear into opposing armies and quickly seize territory.[307] IS siege operations began with mortar strikes against enemy fortifications, followed by the rapid advancement of columns of pickup trucks mounted with machine guns and heavy weaponry.[308] Small groups of infantry would then close in on urban areas and use the atmosphere of panic and surprise to overrun the town.[309] Iraqi army troops often deserted and fled cities before ISIS even arrived.[310] The group transitioned to more complex military strategies as it captured larger swaths of territory, developing a mortar production initiative and a drone program.[311]
ISIS fighters mounted intense resistance against the coalition forces, using knowledge of local landscapes to identify weak points in enemy forces and delay coalition advancement with deadly counterattacks.[312] The group also made extensive use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to defend its positions.[313] Coalition leaders noted the effectiveness of ISIS strategies, specifically the group’s ability to out-maneuver enemy forces and resist coalition airstrikes and intelligence campaigns.[314]
ISIS obtained most of its weapons from Iraqi army and the Syrian conflict zone. Early victories in northern Iraq provided the group with weaponry from Iraqi military bases.[315] Firearms and ammunition were also illegally obtained in Syria. Most of these weapons were donated to moderate Syrian rebels by the United States and Saudi Arabia but were later stolen by ISIS militants.[316] Evidence from the Conflict Armament Research group’s investigation in Iraq also indicates that ISIS militants produced their own weaponry and ammunition using materials smuggled across the Turkish border.[317] The group’s “Central Organization for Standardization and Quality Control” (COSQC) developed specific procedures for the manufacture of weaponry, nearly identical to those of conventional state militaries.[318]
ISIS’s primary enemy during the expansion and defense of its caliphate was the coalition composed of U.S. forces, Kurdish rebel groups, Shia militias backed by Iran, and Iraqi security forces. ISIS initially enjoyed a neutral relationship with the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, which utilized IS’s presence to force opposition groups into a two-front war; however, after ISIS captured Raqqa in 2014, the Assad regime began directly fighting against ISIS.[319]
Since late 2019, attacks in Iraq and Syria attributed to IS have increased in complexity, frequency, and deadliness.[320] This shift came in the wake of major territorial losses for IS and the group’s transition to more traditional terrorist tactics. A U.S. government report found that beginning in the second quarter of 2020, the group began organizing larger, increasingly complex attacks that routinely killed more than 20 people.[321] In the third quarter of 2020, IS appeared to have shifted its focus to include attacking local security forces. IS-attributed attacks appeared to spike in mid-2020, when the group began its yearly offensive during the month of Ramadan.[322] However, IS was unable to sustain this pace for a significant period of time and attacks quickly reverted to pre-Ramadan rates shortly after the offensive concluded.
Bureaucracy
The group’s bureaucratic strategy relied on the development of a functioning state with a diversified economy and efficient government. IS prioritized the seizure of municipal facilities, which it utilized to establish a legal system and bureaucracy in captured territory.[323] Unlike most invading groups that dismantled the local government after capturing territory, IS chose to maintain and expand upon local institutions.[324] This allowed the group to extort millions of dollars through complex tax policies imposed on local communities.
Shiite and non-Muslim civilians were specifically targeted by oppressive tax and property policies in Iraq and Syria.[325] Thousands or recently recovered documents from IS territory chronicle how the group confiscated the property of Shiites, Christians, and Yazidis and gave it away to Sunni families at discounted prices.[326] For a more detailed account of IS’s taxation and interactions with local communities, please see the Resources and Community Relations sections of this profile. For information regarding the organizational structure of this bureaucracy, please see the Political Activities section.
Terrorism
IS is notable for its devastating terrorist attacks around the world. Though most international attention is centered around IS’s violence against the West, IS carried out the majority of its attacks in the Middle East and North Africa. The Global Terrorism Database records 5,676 attacks by IS from 2013-2017. Of those 5,676 attacks, more than 97% (5,624 attacks) were carried out in the Middle East and North Africa.[327] For a more comprehensive list of attacks, please see the Major Attacks section of this profile.
IS terrorist attacks are also notable for their decentralized nature. Although certain IS attacks were directly supervised by central leaders, others were carried by individuals inspired by IS or by groups that claim IS allegiance but had little direct communication with the group. This strategy allowed IS to maintain and expand global influence, even as the group faced the destruction of its caliphate and a contraction of regional strength.
A U.S. government report from February 2019 describes IS as retaining excellent control and command capability in Syria. The report suggested that the group had the capacity to carry out attacks and assassinations using small and heavy weaponry, as well as improvised explosives.[328] In Syria, IS received widespread attention for kidnapping foreigners – often journalists and aid workers – and demanding ransom money from their home countries. These tactics served both as a form of revenue – some European countries paid these ransoms – and as a way to embarrass the U.S. and U.K., who refused to negotiate with terrorists. If the group did not gain money from a hostage, it used the captive for publicity.[329] For example, in late August 2014, IS recorded the beheading of American journalist James Foley and published the video online, quickly gaining international attention.[330]
In Iraq, IS’s strategy and tactics have shifted as the group’s power expanded and contracted. During the growth of the caliphate, IS focused on controlling urban centers. After losing much of its territory, the group has pivoted to place greater emphasis on small-scale terrorist attacks in rural regions.[331] As of April 2021, IS does not formally control territory in either Iraq or Syria, nor does the group appear capable of striking outside of its traditional centers of operation in Iraq and Syria. However, IS continues to operate through sleeper cells in these countries.[332] With its reversion to insurgency, the group appears to be regaining its capabilities to carry out deadly terror attacks. For example, in January 2021, IS carried out a suicide bombing in a crowded marketplace in eastern Baghdad. 32 people were killed and 110 wounded, making this the group’s deadliest attack in Iraq since 2018.[333]
Media
At the core of IS’s strategy is its media presence. IS operates Al Hayat Media Center, a publishing house notable for releasing the group’s monthly magazine “Dabiq.” IS initially created other publications, including Islamic State News and Islamic State Report. However, the group ultimately decided to focus their efforts on Dabiq, which ran between 40 to 80 pages long each month.[334] The magazine was named after a town in northern Syria where Muhammed predicted that a Muslim victory over Christians would initiate the end of times.[335] 15 issues of Dabiq were released between July 2014 and July 2016. The group also runs Amaq News Agency, a news outlet featuring battlefield updates, propaganda videos, and information about IS’s day-to-day activities.[336] As of April 2021, IS continues to use Amaq News Agency to claim responsibility for its attacks and distribute updates about its operations.[337] Both Al Hayat Media Center and Amaq News Agency are designed to recruit foreign fighters and were designated as terrorist affiliates of IS in March 2019.[338]
Most IS propaganda fell into one of three categories: caliphate life, military activities, and victimhood. A 2015 study of IS propaganda determined these three categories accounted for 53%, 37%, and 7% of IS videos respectively. [339] (The remaining 3% addressed other themes.) Caliphate life videos depict a peaceful and serene lifestyle enjoyed by residents of the Islamic State, showing children at schools, bustling markets, and beautiful landscapes. These videos marketed the caliphate as a homeland for Sunni Muslims.[340] The military activities videos showcased the group’s terrorist activities and its triumphant victories against the Western coalition. Victimhood videos depicted the West’s violent actions toward Muslim communities (mostly air and drone strikes) and the hypocrisy of Western foreign policy.[341]
The proliferation of propaganda videos created by IS soldiers drew thousands of foreign recruits to the group. IS deliberately targeted potential recruits from Western countries with its videos, where the traditional catalysts for radicalization were largely absent. For example, IS released a French language music video in 2016 to attract French-speaking Muslims. The video depicts children wearing camouflage and training for jihad against the West. Images of a young Syrian boy walking through a shelled city are juxtaposed with U.S. presidential speeches and images of “western hypocrisy.”[342
After IS’s caliphate was dismantled, the group adapted its media strategy to explain its diminishing power. Traditionally, IS propaganda was centered around the existence of the caliphate as a paradise for Muslims and an escape from the vice and hypocrisy of the West.[343] Now without a caliphate to showcase, IS emphasizes its terrorist attacks in its media messages. The group seeks to use videos of these attacks to illustrate that it still retains influence in the ongoing war of attrition against the West.[344] Analysts believe that Telegram, a messaging service with strong end-to-end encryption and virtually no content regulation, has become IS’ preferred media outlet for propaganda and recruitment precisely because of the relatively free nature of the platform.[345] Following the recapture of IS’ territory by Iraqi and Syrian forces, IS’ presence on the platform has proliferated, with analysts noting a dramatic upsurge in IS-related content on the platform published in over 20 languages. Telegram’s extreme level of user privacy also has allowed the group a space to plan attacks unencumbered by surveillance; for instance, Telegram was used to recruit for and coordinate the 2015 Paris attacks and 2016 Brussels bombings.[346]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization's history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
October 28, 2002: JTJ militants assassinated U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) officer Laurence Foley outside his home in Jordan (1 killed, 0 wounded).[347]
August 19, 2003: JTJ bombed the U.N. Headquarters in Baghdad (23 killed, 100+ wounded).[348]
August 28, 2003: JTJ bombed the Imam Ali Shrine in Najaf, Iraq (85 killed, unknown wounded).[349]
May 7, 2004: JTJ leader Zarqawi beheaded American civilian worker Nicholas Berg in Iraq (1 killed, 0 wounded).[350]
November 9, 2005: AQI bombed western hotels in Amman, Jordan (57 killed, unknown wounded).[351]
February 22, 2006: AQI bombed the Shiite Golden Mosque in Samarra, Iraq, which is located 65 miles north of Baghdad. The attack sparked retaliation against 100 or more Sunni mosques (no reported casualties).[352]
August 2009: AQI claimed responsibility for the bombings of several government buildings in Baghdad (250 killed, 1000+ wounded).[353]
May 2010: AQI carried out attacks across Iraq in response to the killings of AQI leaders Masri and Baghdadi (85 killed, 300+ wounded).[354]
March 21, 2012: AQI claimed responsibility for attacks across eight cities carried out together in just under six hours. Shiite civilians and Iraqi police officers, security forces, and government officials were targeted in Karbala, Kirkuk, and Baghdad (46 killed, 200 wounded).[355]
July 22, 2013: AQI attacked Abu Ghraib and Taji prisons in Iraq, freeing approximately 800 prisoners with Al Qaeda affiliations (26 Killed, unknown wounded).[356]
June 10, 2014: ISIS took control of Mosul (unknown casualties).[357]
July - August 2014: ISIS took control of Raqqa, Syria (unknown casualties).[358]
August 2014: ISIS beheaded American captive James Foley and released a video of the murder. The video garnered international attention. ISIS proceeded to behead more British and American hostages in the coming months (1+ killed, 0 wounded)[359]
August 2014: Over a period of two weeks, ISIS executed 700 members of the al-Sheitaat tribe in the Deir al-Zor province of Syria, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. The al-Sheitaat tribe and ISIS had begun fighting in July 2014 (700+ killed, unknown wounded).[360]
October 22, 2014: IS member Michael Zehaf-Bibeau opened fire at the Canadian National War Memorial, killing a Canadian solider. He then stormed the Canadian parliament before being shot and killed by authorities. ISIS claimed that the attack was a direct call to action (2 killed, 3 wounded).[361]
October 29, 2014: ISIS publicly executed several members of a Sunni tribe, the Abu Nimr, that had been resisting ISIS’s advance in the Anbar province of western Iraq. Reports on the number of dead range from forty-six to over three hundred. The reports also differ on whether or not women and children were killed along with men (46+ killed, unknown wounded).[362]
May 15, 2015: ISIS seized Ramadi, the capital of Anbar province, from Iraqi security forces, which were supported by Shiite militias and American airstrikes. ISIS had controlled areas around Ramadi for almost a year and a half before taking the city (500+ killed, unknown wounded).[363]
November 13, 2015: Eleven IS members killed 130 civilians and injured 100 more in a series of attacks in Paris, France. Gunman and suicide bombers attacked a concert hall, a soccer stadium, restaurants, and bars in the French capital. Within the days following the attack, nine of the IS operatives were killed. One operative remained on the run until he was captured in Brussels on March 18, 2016.[364] According to French President François Hollande, the attacks were planned in Syria and organized in Belgium (130 killed, 100 wounded).[365]
January 14, 2016: Five IS militants armed with suicide explosives and handguns attacked a Starbucks and a police station in Jakarta, Indonesia. One Canadian civilian, one Indonesian civilian, and five attackers were killed (7 killed, 23 wounded).[366]
March 22, 2016: Members of the Islamic State set off three nail bombs in Brussels, Belgium. Two bombs were detonated in the Brussels Airport, and one bomb exploded in the Maalbek Metro Station. In the two days following the bombings, European authorities arrested eleven Islamic State militants that have been linked to this attack and the November 2015 attack in Paris, France (31 killed, 340 wounded).[367]
May 23, 2017: ISIS operative Salman Abedi detonated a bomb at an Ariana Grande pop concert in Manchester, United Kingdom (23 killed, 250+ wounded).[368]
June 7, 2017: Eight gunmen and suicide bombers simultaneously attacked Iranian parliament and the tomb of Ayatollah Khomeini in Tehran, Iran. This was IS’s first major attack within Iran (12 killed, 42 wounded).[369]
August 17, 2017: A van driver plowed through a crowded plaza in Barcelona, maiming dozens of pedestrians. IS claimed responsibility, but it is unclear if the attack was actually organized by IS or if it was merely inspired by the group’s ideology. It was Spain’s deadliest terrorist attack in over a decade (13 killed, 80 wounded).[370]
October 31, 2017: Sayfullo Habibullaevic Saipov, an Uzbek national with alleged ties to IS, drove a rented van through a crowded sidewalk in New York, maiming and killing more than a dozen individuals. He left a note at the scene stating that the attack was carried out in the name of IS (8 killed, 12 wounded).[371]
November 24, 2017: IS-affiliated militants stormed a mosque in Bir al-Abed, Egypt and massacred hundreds of worshippers. The attack was revenge for the town’s cooperation with the Egyptian government in identifying suspected IS militants. Bir al-Abedr was also targeted because many of its residents practiced Sufism, a mystical form of Islam that IS considers polytheistic and evil (311 killed, 128 wounded).[372]
January 15, 2018: Twin suicide bombers attacked Tayran square, a crowded plaza where day laborers go to find work. The bombings were the group’s first major attack in Baghdad after the Iraqi government declared victory against IS in December 2017 (38 killed, 105 wounded).[373]
April 22, 2018: A suicide bomber attacked a voter registration center in a predominately Shia neighborhood of Kabul, Afghanistan. This was the fourth attack in a series of bombings leading up to Afghanistan’s parliamentary elections in October (57 killed, 119 wounded).[374]
May 2, 2018: Suicide bombers attacked a United Nations-led electoral commission in Tripoli, Libya. The attack was intended to disrupt international efforts to stabilize Libya (12 killed, 7 wounded).[375]
May 13, 2018: A family of six simultaneously detonated suicide bombs at three churches in Surabaya, Indonesia. Another bomb from an affiliated militant family prematurely exploded at the house of the bomb maker, killing two members of the family. The next day another family detonated a suicide bomb on their motorbike while driving into police headquarters, killing all members of the family and injuring police and civilians. These attacks were the first successful IS mission in Indonesia since 2016 and the first suicide bombings involving women and children in Indonesia (20 killed, 41 wounded).[376]
July 13, 2018: Suicide bombers attacked the convoy of a politician campaigning for a legislative seat in the Pakistani province of Baluchistan. The candidate, Nawabzada Siraj Raisani, was killed in the attack. Hundreds of others were killed or wounded. The attack is the second deadliest in Pakistan’s history (149 killed, 186 wounded).[377]
July 25, 2018: Islamic State militants attacked the city of Sweida in southwest Syria, detonating suicide bombs and using other weapons to kill large numbers of civilians. The region has a large Druze population and was nominally under government control throughout the civil war. IS militants reportedly woke up families in the hours before dawn and silently killed hundreds in their homes before detonating suicide bombs later in the day (215 killed, 200+ wounded).[378]
September 22, 2018: During a military parade in Ahvaz, Iran, four militants disguised in military uniforms opened fire on a crowd of soldiers and civilian onlookers. Iranian officials blamed the United States and its regional allies for the attacks; however, the Islamic State later took credit and vowed to undertake more attacks in Iran (25+ killed, 60 wounded).[379]
December 2018: Cherif Chekatt, a French national radicalized in prison, opened fire at a Christmas market in Strasbourg, France (5 killed, 11 wounded).[380]
January 27, 2019: IS-affiliated militants set off two bombs at a church in the southern Philippines. The bombing came a week after local voters rejected a referendum for inclusion in an autonomous Muslim region. Separatist Islamist groups in the Philippines had been demanding autonomy for years, and the attacks have been described as a form of revenge against the local population (20 killed, 81 wounded).[381]
April 21, 2019: Suicide bombers and gunmen attacked three hotels and three Catholic churches in coordinated attacks in Colombo, Sri Lanka. The militants were from National Thowheed Jama’ath, a group with connections to IS. Photos showing National Thowheed Jama’ath group members pledging their allegiance to IS were released by Amaq News Agency after the attack occurred (300+ killed, 500+ wounded).[382]
August 17, 2019: A suicide bomber detonated an explosive belt at a Shiite wedding in western Kabul, Afghanistan. IS' Afghan affiliate claimed responsibility for the bombing (63+ killed, 180+ wounded).[383]
February 2, 2020: Sudesh Amman, a British national, stabbed and injured two people on the Streatham High Road in south London, United Kingdom. Armed police shot and killed Amman shortly after the attack began. Amman reportedly declared allegiance to IS in a video, and IS later claimed responsibility for Amman's attack. The group held that Amman was responding to IS' call for attacks on citizens of countries bombing IS territory in the Middle East (0 killed, 2 wounded).[384]
November 2, 2020: A lone gunman attacked several locations in downtown Vienna, Austria, including a plaza near the city's main synagogue. Armed police shot and killed the attacker. Police investigators later determined that the attacker, whose identity authorities have not disclosed, was an IS sympathizer. As of April 2021, it is the most recent major IS attack in Europe (4 killed, 13 wounded).[385]
January 21, 2021: Two suicide bombers detonated bombs in a crowded marketplace in eastern Baghdad. Iraqi Health and Interior Ministry spokespeople noted that the attack was the deadliest in Baghdad since 2018.[386] IS claimed responsibility for the bombings via a statement released on the messaging app Telegram later that day, which stated they intended to kill Shiites (32 killed, 110 wounded).[387]
March 24, 2021 - April 4, 2021: An IS affiliate group, known as the Islamic State Central Africa Province or ISIS-Mozambique, took over the town of Palma in northern Mozambique.[388] Militants targeted government, military, and civilian personnel and buildings. On March 29, IS claimed responsibility for the attack via a statement released through its Amaq News Network.[389] However, the relationship between IS and IS-Central Africa has been described as “loose” and several observers doubt that IS was directly involved in the attacks.[390] Government forces did not completely reclaim control of Palma until April 4, 2021.[391] An estimated 40,000 people were displaced by the fighting, and the number of casualties is unknown (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[392]
The Islamic State has had extensive interactions with local communities. Below is a description of IS’s changing civilian relations throughout its existence.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
Initially, many Sunnis were sympathetic to AQI. They supported the group’s goals to drive U.S. forces from Iraq and prevent Shiites from taking over the government. However, AQI’s use of suicide bombings, its willingness to target Iraqis and popular Sunni leaders, and its intentional incitement of sectarian violence began to alienate some Iraqis, including Sunnis and other jihadi groups.[396]
The most prominent example of AQI’s brutality and its negative impact on the group’s popularity was Zarqawi’s 2005 bombing of three hotels in Amman, Jordan. The explosion killed 57 people, most of whom were Muslims celebrating a wedding at the hotel.[397] The incident garnered massive protests throughout Jordan. Thousands took to the streets in Amman and called Zarqawi a coward for his violence and hypocrisy.[398] After this incident, the organization grew increasingly unpopular throughout the Middle East, and Zarqawi’s role in AQI gradually diminished until his death in 2006.
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
By 2006, AQI’s indiscriminate violence had exasperated Iraqi communities. Frustrated Iraqis, many of them Sunni, began covertly killing AQI leaders and partnering with the American government to remove the group from power in the Sunni triangle.[399] This movement, known as the Anbar Awakening, worked in conjunction with the surge of U.S. troops to bring about a major decline in violence in Iraq.[400] On September 9, 2006, the U.S. government formally began paying Sunni militias, further decreasing local support for AQI.[401] AQI attempted to communicate with civilians from both its “ministry of information” and from its media production branch, Al-Furqan Media, but public support for the group remained low for the remainder of the U.S. war in Iraq.[402]
AQI and ISIS expansion, IS contraction: January 2012-2018
After U.S. troops withdrew from Iraq in 2011, AQI capitalized on growing dissatisfaction within Sunni communities towards the Maliki government. Prime Minister Maliki instituted a number of policies that excluded Sunnis from power in the central government to garner support among his Shia voter base. Maliki simultaneously used politically-loyal components of Iraq's security forces to violently suppress protests in Sunni-majority areas. AQI took advantage these heightened sectarian tensions to partner with local Sunni militias and former Ba’athist officers. These community alliances allowed AQI to quickly spread its influence throughout northern Iraq, eventually enabling the group’s rapid and successful offensive into northern and central Iraq in 2014.
In addition to partnering with local communities, ISIS used multiple languages to recruit foreigners and spread its message online.[403] The group produced sophisticated recruitment videos and an online magazine – named “Dabiq” – in English and other European languages.[404] Dabiq was published from 2014 to 2016 and included battlefield updates, administrative information, and articles on the establishment of the caliphate and its religious foundations. Through media tools, ISIS encouraged emigration to its territory and global support for its organization.[405]
IS has had complex relationships with civilians residing within the territories it controlled. At its peak in 2015, IS territory was home to nearly 12 million people. Most of these civilians were not originally affiliated with IS, but local communities were significantly influenced by the presence of the group.[406] Citizens in these regions lived in constant threat of violence and faced repressive laws that forced them to adopt a strict religious lifestyle. The group coerced Iraqi and Syrian government employees into continuing to work and taxed local communities immensely.[407] The intense religious laws and regular violence, in addition to the widespread exploitation of minority women as sex slaves, led to a massive exodus of civilians from IS-controlled territories. IS displaced over 3.3 million people in Iraq and contributed to the growing refugee crisis in Syria.[408]
While these draconian measures and violent tactics created backlash in some areas, the group also served to improve certain aspects of governance and accountability. State services such as electricity, trash removal, and road maintenance were carried out effectively for the first time in decades.[409] Birth and death records were kept meticulously.[410] IS even established a Department of Motor Vehicles, gave away free food to citizens, and operated an orphanage for children whose parents were killed in fighting.[411] In a region that was historically plagued by weak institutions and a lack of central government oversight, local communities admitted that IS services were an improvement over previous state programs.[412]
The caliphate operated with a social contract in the same way a modern state does, guaranteeing some degree of justice and accountability, protection, and state services in exchange for support through taxation or conscription into the military.[413] IS even drafted “documents of the city” to codify its values and formally outline the relationship between itself and local citizens in Raqqa, Mosul, Tikrit, Hit, and Sirte.[414]
Death of the IS caliphate and return to insurgency: 2018-2021
As of April 2021, IS does not formally control territory in Iraq and Syria. Without a space to directly govern civilians, the group’s relationship with communities has become much less direct. However, lingering issues remain for civilian populations. IS activity has generated massive stateless populations in Iraq and Syria, consisting of foreign fighters who moved to the IS caliphate, women who married IS soldiers, and children born under IS rule.[415]
Thousands of IS affiliates have been imprisoned in Syria and Iraq for extended periods with no apparent plan for their release as the detainees' governments of origin do not wish to repatriate their nationals. The detainees, civilian and combatant alike, remain in prison on the grounds that they continue to pose a security risk owing to their ideological or personal ties to IS.[416]
IS initially had a strong relationship with Al Qaeda. The group acted as an AQ affiliate in Iraq despite ideological differences. AQ eventually disowned IS for its disobedience and targeting choices. Regionally, IS had few allies in Iraq and Syria and fought against most organizations and governments with which it interacted. Globally, IS continues to lead a network of Islamic militant groups that declared allegiance to the group and its leadership.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
Tensions existed between Al Qaeda and JTJ since before the group officially became an AQ affiliate organization, largely due to several ideological differences.[417] The most significant of these disagreements concerned targets. While Zarqawi preferred to attack “heretical” regional actors and states (the “near enemy”), AQ leadership prioritized attacking the United States and other Western entities (the “far enemy”).[418] Nonetheless, AQ leader Osama bin Laden allegedly asked Zarqawi to join AQ and provided initial funding for JTJ’s training camp.[419]
Zarqawi finally declared allegiance to bin Laden in October 2004 (the group renamed itself to AQI), but he continually disobeyed AQ leadership throughout his tenure.[420] In July 2005, bin Laden and his second in command, Ayman al-Zawahiri, wrote to Zarqawi and criticized his brutal tactics. They complained about the beheadings he sanctioned and attacks carried out by AQI that consistently killed Muslims and alienated Iraqis. The letter also questioned the effectiveness of Zarqawi’s strategy of targeting Shiites to fuel a sectarian conflict. When AQ leadership commanded Zarqawi to stop attacking Shiite cultural sites, the AQI leader ignored these orders.[421]
In January 2006, AQI joined the umbrella organization Majlis Shura al-Mujahidin (MSC). The MSC was a collective of six jihadi groups in Iraq that sought to consolidate jihadi efforts to expel U.S. and coalition forces from Iraq.[422] By joining the MSC, AQI attempted to prove that it was an Iraqi-based organization and demonstrate that it was willing to work with other groups.[423] While AQI presented itself as a mere member of the MSC, it had significant influence in the group, which in many ways functioned as little more than a media front.[424]
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
Following Zarqawi’s death, AQI attempted to extend its connections with other organizations. It became more integrated with AQ leadership.[425] AQI also gathered several insurgent groups under its banner of the Islamic State of Iraq in 2006. However, many insurgents declined AQI’s offers of cooperation and argued that the declaration of a state was illegal in Islamic law. Some voiced their concerns to bin Laden and others fought AQI members on the ground.[426]
AQI and ISIS expansion under Baghdadi: January 2012-2014
At the outset of the Syrian Civil War, AQI leader Baghdadi sent Abu Muhammad al-Julani to Syria to create a Salafi cell and carry out operations against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Julani established the militant group Jabhat al-Nusra (Al-Nusra, later known as Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham) and received funding and personnel from both AQI and AQ. In April 2013, Baghdadi declared that Al-Nusra and AQI would be merged under the name of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).[427] Julani denied the merger and re-pledged allegiance to AQ emir Ayman al-Zawahiri.[428]
Zawahiri took several steps to attempt to mediate the conflict. Zawahiri ruled in favor of Julani and decreed that the two organizations would continue to operate independently of one another. He appointed AQ Central leader Abu Khalid al-Suri to mediate the conflict in Syria and ensure that his orders were followed.[429] Zawahiri also dictated that ISIS should limit its operations to Iraq.[430] In June 2013, Baghdadi publicly rejected Zawahiri’s statement. ISIS continued to operate in Syria, clashing with other Islamist groups and taking additional territory.[431] Violence between ISIS and Al-Nusra militants had resulted in 3,000 casualties by March 2014.[432] In January 2014, ISIS captured the strategic Syrian city of Raqqa against the commands of AQ leadership.[433] AQ officially renounced connection with ISIS in February 2014.[434]
Despite the ongoing disagreement between ISIS and Al-Nusra, there was evidence of some ground-level cooperation between the two groups in certain areas of Syria. For example, ISIS and Al-Nusra released an anti-Hezbollah video together in summer 2014 from the eastern mountains of Lebanon, where they had separately taken Lebanese soldiers hostage.[435] Both facing U.S. airstrikes in 2014, al-Nusra and ISIS leadership reportedly began meeting to discuss coordination.[436]
Former Ba’athists provided critical assistance to ISIS operations in Iraq. The majority of Baath party support came from members of Jaysh Rijal at-Tariqa an-Naqshbandi (JRTN), an Iraqi militant group formed in December 2006 following Saddam Hussein’s death.[437] ISIS’s success in capturing Iraqi cities depended on the military expertise and local connections of the Ba’athists. Without help from members of JRTN, many experts believe that ISIS would not have been nearly as effective.[438] However, ISIS’s goal of creating a caliphate was likely opposed by the Ba’athists, who are nationalists and supported ISIS only because of its anti-Maliki stance. There have been reports that ISIS killed Ba’athists in Mosul in order to consolidate its authority and discouraged sects that could negotiate with the government or oppose its vision for a caliphate.[439]
Tensions and skirmishes between ISIS and other Islamist groups on the ground escalated in 2013. Other groups, including some linked to Al Qaeda, found ISIS’s interpretation of Islam too extreme and its tactics too violent. These groups also distrusted the amount of foreign fighters in ISIS.[440] In early January 2014, ISIS clashed with the Islamist Mujahedeen Army and Free Syrian Army-linked units in a number of locations around Aleppo.[441] Meanwhile, Ahrar al-Sham, a Salafi militant group part of the Islamic Front (am umbrella group of Sunni Islamist groups operating in Syria), worked with Al-Nusra and other rebel groups to push ISIS out of Raqqa.[442] Later that month, a popular Saudi Cleric, Abdulah Muhammad al-Muhaysini, relocated to Syria and announced a reconciliation plan to end the infighting between Islamist groups in Syria. Al-Nusra and other Islamist groups quickly agreed to the plan, but ISIS rejected it.[443]
ISIS frequently targeted rival group leaders. In December 2013, ISIS militants tortured and killed senior Ahrar al-Sham commander Dr. Hussein Abu Rayyan. Group members shot him repeatedly, broke his bones, and amputated his ear. In response to Rayyan’s death, protesters marched against ISIS’s presence in Syria and Ahrar al-Sham leader Hassan Abboud publicly criticized the killing.[444] Abboud later condemned ISIS for its practice of calling other Islamist rebels “infidels” and for refusing to submit to mediation.[445] In February 2014, an ISIS suicide bombing killed Liwa al-Tawhid leader Adnan Bakour in Aleppo, along with twenty-five others. That same day, Suqour al-Sham commander Abu Hussein al-Dik was killed by ISIS in Hama, Syria. Both organizations were members of the Islamic Front.[446] Later that month, Abu Khalid al-Suri, Zawahiri’s delegate to Syria and a leader of Ahrar al-Sham, was killed in a suicide bombing. Ahrar al-Sham leader Hassan Abboud blamed ISIS.[447] In addition to targeted attacks, ISIS also battled Islamist units on the ground. For example, Liwa al-Tawhid worked with Al-Nusra to expel ISIS from several areas near Aleppo and Latakia in March 2014.[448]
ISIS’s relationships with different Free Syrian Army (FSA) factions varies. ISIS's ideology opposes a secular state, which is a goal of many FSA-linked brigades. The relationship between smaller FSA brigades and ISIS has included some cooperation, only when convenient for both sides.[449] In September 2014, for example, ISIS and the Free Syrian Army signed a truce; they both agreed to release around 100 prisoners and to submit a border issue between Syria and Turkey to an Islamic court.[450]
In addition to its interactions with other rebel groups, ISIS also maintained connections to the Syrian government. The group’s relationship with the Assad regime evolved throughout the Syrian Civil War. Initially, Assad utilized ISIS’s presence to force the Free Syrian Army into a two-front war in northern Syria.[451] The Assad regime also purchased oil from ISIS, implicitly funding the organization.[452] However, this mutually beneficial partnership grew more hostile as ISIS increasingly targeted government forces and inevitably clashed with the Assad regime over territorial disputes.[453]
IS contraction under regional and global pressure: 2014-2018
After IS gained global notoriety, many Islamist militant organizations across the world – particularly in the Middle East, Central Asia, and North Africa – began to declare allegiance to the group. Some of these groups appear to have been created in response to IS’s success and Baghdadi’s call for Muslim support, while others were already in existence. However, it is important to note that a declaration does not always indicate a working relationship. Many groups make pledges of allegiance in order to attach their name to the infamous IS brand without having any operational ties to the group.[454] For example, a faction of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), an Islamist separatist organization in the Philippines, posted a video threatening to kill two German hostages if Germany did not stop supporting the U.S. airstrikes against IS. After Germany paid a ransom, ASG dropped their political demands and freed the hostages. Despite AS’s supposed ties to IS, the Philippine military claimed that there was no evidence of any operational link between ASG and IS.[455]
Some pledges of allegiance from other militant groups have been publicly accepted by IS leader Baghdadi. In a November 2014 speech, Baghdadi appeared to accept a number of pledges of allegiance by referring to new “soldiers of the Islamic State” in Libya, Egypt, and Yemen.[456] These groups included the Egyptian Islamic militant group Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, which changed its name to the Islamic State - Sinai Province (commonly known as Wilayat Sinai) after the speech.[457] In March 2015, Baghdadi’s acceptance of Nigerian Islamist group Boko Haram drew global attention because Boko Haram was already highly active before IS gained prominence.[458]
Other Islamist militant groups have declared allegiance but have not been publicly recognized by IS. In a 2014 issue of Dabiq published after Baghdadi had formally accepted a number of pledges but left out others, an IS representative claimed that some of the neglected groups would not be accepted until two conditions were met. These groups had to establish a direct line of communication to Baghdadi, and Baghdadi needed to appoint or formally recognize the group’s leadership. Others speculated that Baghdadi may have been discriminating against non-Arab groups, such as the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters in the Philippines, which was among the groups that declared allegiance but were not formally accepted.[459]
Support for IS proved to be divisive for some groups, with some members or leaders announcing allegiance to Baghdadi while others maintained their own group’s independence or upheld previous pledges of allegiance. In particular, some groups that worked with or pledged allegiance to AQ were hesitant to break their pledges, as many Islamist militants consider such a break as a significant betrayal that reflects poorly on group credibility.[460] For example, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) announced support for ISIS and offered advice to the group in a statement made on its website in August 2014.[461] In November 2014, however, AQAP declared Baghdadi’s caliphate illegitimate and refuted him after he claimed that Yemen was a part of his caliphate. It is likely that not all AQAP members supported the decision to stand against IS.[462]
Some groups with ties to the Afghan Taliban were also hesitant to affiliate with IS.[463] Reports of IS activity in Afghanistan began in January 2015, when rumors started to circulate in the country regarding Taliban fighters defecting from their organization to claim allegiance to IS. Some Afghans, including Taliban members, denied that any group had declared support for IS.[464] In May 2015, Afghan officials announced that IS-trained forces were fighting alongside the Taliban against the government in some parts of the country.[465] At the same time, however, other Afghan police officials claimed that IS and the Taliban were at war with each other. In short, the situation on the ground appeared fragmented and unclear.[466] As of April 2021, the Islamic State in Khorasan Province (IS-KP) is the active affiliate of IS in Afghanistan and Central Asia.[467]
Death of the IS caliphate and return to insurgency: 2018-2021
Despite losing all its territory in Syria and Iraq, IS still maintains connections to a global network of jihadist groups. Since Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi's death in 2019, IS's new leadership appeared to have begun looking for new allies to reconstitute its position among jihadist groups but have indicated that prospective partners must be ideologically comparable. IS leadership faced a challenge: it could either seek to build extensive alliances through rapprochement with other jihadist groups, or maintain its commitment to ideological purity by eschewing relationships with other groups altogether.[468]
IS's new leaders appear to have chosen the former option, opting to enhance the group’s relationships with other segments of the Sunni community who had cooperated with segments of society the group may have previously derided as “apostates” – including the army, police, and the mainstream political parties. Another component of IS’ effort to reconstitute its position among jihadists is its pursuit of reconciliation with Sunni communities in areas in which the group operates. This approach is reportedly in line with the views of the members of IS' new Delegated Committee - now the topmost executive committee in the IS organizational hierarchy.[469]
In addition to its presence in Iraq, Syria, IS claims to conduct operations in Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, East Asia (specifically the Philippines), Somalia, and West Africa (specifically Nigeria).[470] IS also has a branch based in the Khorasan region, which covers areas of Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and other Central Asian countries. [471] Additionally, IS has recently claimed affiliation with militant groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[472] For more information on these organizations, see the Global Islamic State map on the Mapping Militants website.
JTJ and AQI under Zarqawi: 1999-June 2006
JTJ relied on Osama bin Laden’s funding to create Zarqawi’s training camps in Herat, Afghanistan.[473] The group did not receive resources from any state or other external actor at this time.
AQI decline: June 2006-December 2011
In 2006, U.S. forces in Iraq found documents that proved that Iran provided AQI with funding and weapons, as well as negotiated the release of AQI prisoners. Because Iran is majority Shia and AQI had always been hostile toward Shiite Muslims, the state’s support of the group was likely an attempt to sabotage the U.S. intervention in Iraq.[474] In 2009, the Iraqi government accused the Syrian government of harboring terrorist cells, an allegation that Syrian officials denied.[475]
AQI and ISIS expansion under Baghdadi: January 2012-2014
Private donations from wealthy individuals in the Gulf region were vital in the early years of ISIS’s resurgence. Qatar was criticized for being complacent in this process and not adjusting its laws to stop the flow of money to ISIS.[476] While not an explicit endorsement, Qatar’s lack of willingness to comply with international finance norms benefitted ISIS.
Meanwhile, Iran ceased its assistance to ISIS. The Iranian government reversed its policy of aiding the group in 2014. Instead, the country offered assistance to U.S. counterterrorism efforts against ISIS.[477]
IS contraction under regional and global pressure: 2014-2018
The Turkish government, Iraqi Kurdish militias, and the Assad regime purchased oil from IS during the Syrian civil war.[478] These actions implicitly funded the group; however, they should not be considered as deliberate endorsements of IS. The deals were established through preexisting networks of oil smugglers, an example of wartime necessity rather than a purposeful decision of finance IS.
The Death of the Caliphate: 2018-2021
As of April 2021, IS is not receiving support from any known state sponsor or external actor.
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