Parsing Below the Segment in a Constraint-Based Framework

This book proposes a new way of understanding the behavior of consonants and vowels in a broad cross-section of the world's languages. A new model of subsegmental phonology within Optimality Theory that differs from standard Autosegmental Phonology both in its limited use of representational distinctions and in the form of the grammar to which the representations submit is introduced. The research focuses particularly on floating features and ghost segments, and demonstrates that the current understanding of segmental representation fails to characterize the full range of subsegmental phenomena found cross-linguistically. I propose instead an analysis in which the grammar derives the variety of surface phenomena from a single underlying representation. The typology that results from this analysis correctly classifies the entire range of behavior associated with subminimal phonological units. This work thus both enlarges the empirical foundation on which an adequate theory of segment structure must be based, and in developing such an account sheds new light on classic problems of subsegmental parsing.

The problems dealt with here include classics such as the pattern of liaison consonants in French, as well as more obscure phenomena such as the assignment of tone marking in the African languages Mende and Kukuya. It is the first book to apply the results of current phonological theory to this area. This book will be of great interest to linguists and to other people who are interested in knowing more about sound patterns in language.

Cheryl Zoll was Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, MIT, at the time of this publication.

Preface

Chapter 1

1 Introduction
2 Autosegmental phonology
3 Ostensible differences between segments and subsegments

3.1 Independent properties
3.2 One approach
3.3 Dependent features and independent segments

4 A unified representation for all subsegments

4.1 Latent Segments lack a root node
4.2 Problems with previous proposals

4.2.1 Extrametricality
4.2.2 The X-slot
4.2.3 The mora
4.2.4 Defective root node

5 Summary of the chapter

Chapter 2

1 Introduction
2 The Rudiments of Optimality Theory

2.1 Faithfulness and Correspondence
2.2 Formal Clarity and Multiple Violation

3 Constraints vs. rules: demonstration

3.1 Kukuya tone melodies
3.2 Rule based account of Kukuya
3.3 Proposal in Optimality Theory

3.3.1 Basic association
3.3.2 Contour Licensing
3.3.3 Spreading asymmetry
3.3.4 Summary of Kukuya
3.3.5 A Note about Mende

4 Conclusion

Chapter 3

1 Align

1.1 A problem with Align
1.2 Mode of Violation
1.3 No-Intervening

2 Inor

2.1 The analysis
2.2 Can representational distinctions alone do the trick?

3 Summary

Chapter 4

1 Introduction
2 Conflicting directionality
3 Analysis
4 Implication for underspecification
5 Formal statement of licensing

5.1 Licensing as Align
5.2 A problem with licensing as alignment
5.3 A proposal

6 Licensing of Prosodic Structure in Eastern Cheremis
7 Typology
8 The other unbounded stress pattern
9 Conclusion

Chapter 5

1 Introduction
2 Latent glottals in Yowlumne

2.1 Subsegments in Yowlumne
2.2 How should the glottal be represented?
2.3 *STRUC(σ):
2.4 Affix placement
2.5 Partial infixation
2.6 No-Intervening II:
2.7 Partial infixation in Yowlumne

3 Other latent segments

3.1 The data
3.2 Analysis of Latent Consonants
3.3 Analysis of Latent Vowels

4 Inventory and the single node

4.1 The Single Node Generalization
4.2 Yowlumne inventory
4.3 French

5 Summary

References

November 2014

ISBN (Paperback): 1575861305 (9781575861302)
ISBN (Cloth): 1575861313 (9781575861319)

Parsing Below the Segment in a Constraint-Based Framework

Contents