Introduction
  Benjamin, Walter
  Bismarck, Otto v.
  Brecht, Bertolt
  Celan, Paul
  Döblin, Alfred
  Fontane, Theodor
  Grosz, George
  Grünbein, Durs
  Heartfield, John
  Honigmann, Barbara
  Isherwood, Christopher
  Johnson, Uwe
  Kleist, Heinrich v.
  Kollwitz, Käthe
  Kracauer, Siegfried
  Lang, Fritz
  Lasker-Schüler, Else
  Liebermann, Max
  Liebknecht, Karl
  Luxemburg, Rosa
  Marc, Franz
  Ossietzky, Carl v.
  Riefenstahl, Leni
  Ruttmann, Walther
  Schinkel, Karl Friedrich
  Speer, Albert
  Tieck, Ludwig
  Tucholsky, Kurt
  Ury, Lesser
  Varnhagen, Rahel
  Wenders, Wim

 

 
Luxemburg, Rosa

Bio Part 1 Bio Part 2

b. March 5, 1871, Zamosc, Pol., Russian Empire [now in Poland]
d. Jan. 15, 1919, Berlin


byname BLOODY ROSA, German BLUTIGE ROSA Polish-born German revolutionary and agitator who played a key role in the founding of the Polish Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League, which grew into the Communist Party of Germany. As a political theoretician Luxemburg developed a humanitarian theory of Marxism, stressing democracy and revolutionary mass action to achieve international socialism. She was murdered during the Spartacus Revolt of January 1919.


Rosa Luxemburg was the youngest of five children of a lower middle-class Jewish family in Russian-ruled Poland. She became involved in underground activities while still in high school. Like many of her radical contemporaries from the Russian Empire who were faced with prison, she emigrated to Zürich (1889), where she studied law and political economy, receiving a doctorate in 1898. In Zürich she became involved in the international socialist movement and met Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, Pavel Axelrod, and other leading representatives of the Russian social democratic movement, with whom, however, she soon began to disagree. Together with a fellow student, Leo Jogiches, who was to become a lifelong friend and sometime lover, she challenged both the Russians and the established Polish Socialist Party because of their support of Polish independence. Consequently, she and her colleagues founded the rival Polish Social Democratic Party, which was to become the nucleus of the future Polish Communist Party. The national issue became one of Luxemburg's main themes. To her, nationalism and national independence were regressive concessions to the class enemy, the bourgeoisie. She consistently underrated nationalist aspirations and stressed socialist internationalism. This became one of her major points of disagreement with Vladimir Lenin and his theory of national self-determination.

In 1898, after marrying Gustav Lübeck to obtain German citizenship, she settled in Berlin to work with the largest and most powerful constituent party of the Second International, the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Almost at once, she jumped into the revisionist controversy that divided the party. In 1898 the German revisionist Eduard Bernstein had argued that Marxist theory was essentially outdated and that socialism in highly industrialized nations could best be achieved through a gradualist approach, using trade-union activity and parliamentary politics. This, Luxemburg denied categorically in Sozialreform oder Revolution? (1889; Reform or Revolution), in which she defended Marxist orthodoxy and the necessity of revolution, arguing that parliament was nothing more than a bourgeois sham. Karl Kautsky, the leading theoretician of the Second International, agreed with her, and revisionism consequently became a socialist heresy both in Germany and abroad, though it continued to make headway, especially in the labour movement.

The Russian Revolution of 1905 proved to be the central experience in Rosa Luxemburg's life. Until then, she had believed that Germany was the country in which world revolution was most likely to originate. She now believed it would catch fire in Russia. She went to Warsaw, participated in the struggle, and was imprisoned. From these experiences emerged her theory of revolutionary mass action, which she propounded in Massenstreik, Partei und Gewerkschaften (1906; The Mass Strike, the Political Party, and the Trade Unions). Luxemburg advocated the mass strike as the single most important tool of the proletariat, Western as well as Russian, in attaining a socialist victory. The mass strike, the spontaneous result of "objective conditions," would radicalize the workers and drive the revolution forward. In contrast to Lenin, she deemphasized the need for a tight party structure, believing that organization would emerge naturally from the struggle. For this, she has been repeatedly chastised by orthodox communist parties.

Source

"Luxemburg, Rosa" Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
<http://www.eb.com:180/bol/topic?eu=50652&sctn=1>

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