From Desert to Oasis: Land Use Transformation of Central and Southern California through Water Projects in the last 100 years

 

By Beau Weiner

March 12, 1999

 

History

     Since its heyday during the Gold Rush era, the State of California has risen to become a political and economic powerhouse, both in the nation and worldwide.  Home to nearly 15% of the nation’s population (Templin, 1998) and boasting two of the largest urban centers in the continental U.S., California is an economic pillar of the nation and frontrunner in nearly every field- from the software giants of Silicon Valley to rich agricultural lands running from

Mt. Shasta in the North to the Mexico border in the South.  In fact, were California to secede from the Union, it would boast one of the largest GNP’s in the world.  

This was not always the case.  California, home to some 33 million people and the source of food for millions more, was not always as fertile and productive as it is today (Templin, 1998).  In fact, when the first settlers rode into the Los Angeles basin they found not a natural oasis but shrubland and semi-desert, the norm for most of the Southern California.  The soils were fertile, but water was pitifully scarce.

Over the past hundred and fifty years, California has been transformed into an urban and agricultural mecca primarily through the use of water control projects centered around dams and diversion canals, as well as heavy groundwater withdrawals.  The state withdraws 45.9 billion gallons of water per day, the largest by nearly double of any state (Solley, 1998)

Southern California Urban Areas

California’s history of water projects has a long and interesting legacy. In the 1860’s, when San Francisco was a boomtown, the sprawling metropolis we know as Los Angeles was a dusty little town of about 13,000 people. (Reisner, 1993)  The town’s water resources consisted of the Los Angeles River- actually a seasonal creek- and a number of artesian wells.  These wells began to run dry within a few years due to overuse.  Over the next few decades there were a few city officials who had grand plans for a booming metropolis that would someday rival San Francisco.  They realized that their town could never support much of a population with its meager water supply, so they began looking for nearby water resources that they could somehow divert to the city.  “Nearby” proved to be 250 miles away, in California’s Owens Valley. (Reisner, 1993)

 

Los Angeles Aqueduct

     The city sent a number of agents to the valley posing as land speculators who bought up all the land they could along the riparian corridor. Through trickery and subterfuge, the city of Los Angeles obtained the water rights of the entire Owen’s Valley in the early 1900’s, and began plans to divert it.

     Completed in 1913, the aqueduct was instrumental in transforming the Los Angeles basin into the oasis we see today.  Yet in time the city outgrew its new water supply and began to look even further away for more water. 

 

Hoover Dam

     Built in 1935 after heavy legislation by the western states and Southern California in particular, Hoover Dam captures the mighty Colorado River, and partitions its water to the western states.  Southern California used its entire 4.4 million cubic feet allotment from the beginning, and immediately began plans for yet more water projects.   

 

California Aqueduct

     The California Aqueduct begins at the Oroville Dam in Northern California, joins the Sacramento River, travels through the Delta, is siphoned through 10,000 horsepower pumps, and pumped uphill- ultimately 3500 feet over the Tehachapi Mountains before it drops into the L.A. basin.  (Reisner, 1993)  This ‘river that runs backwards’ irrigates a large percentage of the Central Valley’s farmland on the way south before it hits Los Angeles. 

 

Agriculture

There is an oft quoted saying that “in the West, water flows uphill towards money” and California is no exception.  California farming simply would not exist at its present scale if it were not for multi-million dollar irrigation projects.

Corporate farming in the state holds considerable muscle within the legislature, and has historically been instrumental in the passing of water development projects. 

The trouble with these supply-side solutions is that their very success creates new problems down the road.  The classic problem with water projects in the state is this:  farmers begin to deplete groundwater reserves.  They argue that they need more water if they are going to continue to be world leaders in agriculture.  The Federal Government eventually builds a water project, and tries to pass some cost on to farmers.  Farmers complain that they cannot pay that much for water, so the government subsidizes the water.  The water is so cheap that farmers put more land into production, or grow water intensive crops like alfalfa and cotton.

Even the mindset of those put in charge of precious water resources is horrifying.  As a former head of the Water Conservation Board so eloquently stated, “…when we use it up, we’ll just have to get more water from somewhere else.” (Reisner, 1993)

Much of the state’s economic and agricultural might lay upon shaky foundations, balanced precariously upon water resources who’s sustainability is questionable.  The majority of the state’s economy is built upon the manipulation of fragile- and in the case of groundwater- finite water resources.

 

Problems

The destruction of freshwater ecosystems, as well as waterfowl and fish migration habitats- directly through land use change and indirectly through dams and diversions- is a major problem associated with water projects today.  Dams in particular significantly alter riparian ecosystems and cause serious problems.

     Destruction of estuary ecosystems and surrounding marshland in California have been staggering. “More than 90 percent of the State’s wetlands have been drained, mostly for agricultural purposes.”(USGS, 1999) This terraforming has had significant impacts on the state as a whole.  Besides providing habitat for numerous resident and visiting species, wetlands provide buffers for large precipitation events and are key to groundwater recharge.            

Both directly and indirectly, dams interfere with fish species.  Besides physically blocking upstream access, dams alter the sediment load downstream, since all sediment is captured behind it.

As a result, many rivers have incised, undermining bridges and other structures at a cost of $ millions annually.  Gravels have been transported downstream, leaving only a coarse lag of cobbles unsuitable for spawning by salmon, contributing to the catastrophic decline in salmon runs in California this century. (Kondolf, 1994)

Dams inhibit fish reproduction in other ways as well: 

 

…spring runoff is held back in giant reservoirs for release later in summer, when shipping, farming, and hydropower production require more water.  Salmon fry end up dying in huge numbers for lack of sufficient current to aid their seaward journey. (Postal, 1992)

 

For all of their drawbacks, dams benefits do not even last that long. They have relatively short lifespans- in the range of 50 to 100 years depending on the sediment load of the river. As the dam silts up, storage capacity is reduced, and with it the benefits of flood control and electric generation potential.  The Black Butte Reservoir in California, for instance, had a capacity of 160,000 acre-feet when it was constructed.  Ten years later, that capacity was reduced to 149,000 acre-feet due to siltation.  Similar trends can be seen in every dam ever built. (Reisner, 1993) 

 

Desert to farmland- and back to desert

Irrigated water tends to be high in salt content, because it comes from rivers that have been leaching salts from their drainage basins over thousands of square miles.  The problem is compounded by damming rivers, because enormous evaporation in reservoirs makes the remaining water even more concentrated in salinity.  For example, water on the Colorado River is continually diverted and returned along its entire stretch, becoming saltier and saltier as it flows south.  In areas of poor drainage, the salt is deposited in the soil and slowly kills all but the most salt resistant crops.  Thousands of acres in California have gone out of production due to salinity problems, and up to a million acres are projected to be severely affected in the future.  It is so bad in places that “…you can see the salt on the ground like a dusting of snow.” (Reisner, 1993)

The Bureau of Reclamation’s solution to this problem is to build elaborate drainage systems and expensive desalinization plants.  Rather than buy out irrigated farmland that contributes the majority of the salinity problems to the Colorado River for millions of dollars, the Federal government has made plans to build the largest desalinization plant in the world at the U.S.- Mexican border at the Colorado River, at a projected cost of 1 billion dollars over the next 50 years. (Reisner, 1993)

 

Consequences of groundwater withdrawal

Groundwater subsidence of up to 60 feet has occurred in some areas of the Central Valley, although lower levels are more common.  One study in the valley found:

…subsidence in this area locally approaches 30 ft. …The subsidence here started probably in early 1930 and was caused mostly by an overdraft of the sub-Corcoran aquifer system. (Prokopovich, p149)

  Subsidence results from the compaction of soils due to unnaturally high levels of groundwater withdrawal.  This compaction of the soil decreases soil permeability and reduces rainwater infill rates, further compounding the problem.  Groundwater reserves collect slowly over thousands to millions of years, yet are being used at rates that will result in exhausted supplies within the next century.

Even as far back as the 1950’s, unsustainable groundwater withdrawal was becoming a major problem. 

…in the San Joaquin Valley, withdrawals of ground water generally equal or exceed the long-term replenishment… Where withdrawals have exceeded long-term replenishment, the ground-water levels have declined substantially… (Davis, p33).

 

Future vision for change

     Clearly a balance must be sought between sustainability and economic viability.  Even placing environmental considerations aside for a moment, it makes no economic sense to use a resource faster than it can be replaced.

Policies which focus on conservation over more water projects are the most cost-effective solution, requiring little infrastructure investment compared to further development projects.  New water projects should be centered around improved water-use efficiency rather that potentially destructive development projects.

Agriculture Solution

It is economically unfeasible to allow marginal lands to continue to be cultivated.  Lands requiring excessive irrigation, or with high salinity content or drainage problems should be gradually phased out of production.

Policies should be augmented to lower government subsidies on water to make corporate farmers pay their fair share.  Under the 1992 Central Valley Project Improvement Act, farmers are allowed to sell excess water to outside buyers, in hopes that conservation will be encouraged.  However, they are required to buy the water at unsubsidized rates.  The act also reallocates water back to fish and wildlife areas, one of the first water bills to reallocate water back to, rather than away from, a natural source. (Gleick, 1999)

Another possible solution is to grow special crops on lands with high salinity content.  This is currently being done in Israel, with salt resistant strains of wheat, tomatoes and corn. (Reisner, 1993)

Further water conservation could be achieved by growing crops in partially treated wastewater, a method already in practice on a small scale in California and elsewhere in the world. (Postal, 1992)

 

Urban Solutions

     Water conservation measures should be encouraged through legislative and economic channels.  In a landmark case in 1983, the California Supreme Court set the stage to prevent Los Angeles from diverting water from Mono Lake, which has previously constituted about 15% of the city’s water. (Postal, 1992)  This legislative shift is significant in that it marks a point where economic growth is no longer valued at the expense of all else. 

Many utility companies have realized the economic benefits of conservation on their own.  A major Southern California water utility pays its subsidiaries $125 for each 1,000 cubic meters of water they save.  So far the program has conserved 541 million cubic meters, or about enough water to supply nearly 1 million homes annually.  (Postal, 1992) 

Many of these approaches require a complete reworking of the American “more is better” mentality so pervasive within our society today. The age of uncontrolled growth and limitless resources is over.  We have now entered into an age where wise, controlled growth is not an option but a necessity.

A future of stability can only be achieved by sustainable practices today.

References

-Davis, G.H., et al:  1964, USGS Water Supply Papers, 1618, p33.

-Gleick, P.:  1999, The World’s Water.

-Kondolf, G.M.:  1994, “Bedload Sediments in California Rivers: Effects of Dams and Instream Mining on Fish and Bridges”, Geological Society of America, 6 (26), p24.

-Postal, S.:  1997, Last Oasis.

-Prokopovich, N.P.:  1989, “Ultimate Subsidence Along Outside Canal in the San Joaquin Valley, California”, Bulletin of the Association of Engineering Geologists, 1 (26), p147-157.

-Reisner, P.:  1993, Cadillac Desert.

-Solley, W.B., Pierce, R.R, Pearlman, H.A.:  1998, “Estimated Use of Water in the United States in 1995”, USGS Circular 1200, p71.

-Templin, W.E.:  1998, “California- Continually the Nation’s Leader in Water Use”, USGS- Water Resources of California.

-USGS:  1999, “California Wetlands- Overview”, USGS Water Supply Paper 2425.