Brynn M. Evans
SUID# 4654026
EDGE - Spring
Quarter 2003
Final Paper
(4-units)
June 5, 2003
United States Unilateralism: A Global
Threat for the 21st Century
Within the past
century, the United States has established itself not only as a world leader
but, since the fall of the USSR in 1990, the U.S. has become the sole
superpower. U.S. economic and military
might is essentially unrivaled, and its global influence permeates to other
countries who strive to emulate its economic, political and cultural ways (Yu). But is the United States abusing its powers,
and if so, what will be the repercussions of its actions?
After the World Wars
in the early 20th century, world leaders joined together to create two
temporally distinct, international bodies whose purpose was to maintain
international peace and security: The League of Nations in 1920 and the United
Nations in 1945. Actions taken by the
U.S. today dangerously resemble the unilateral, aggressive actions taken by two
powerful nations (namely Japan and Germany) in the 1930s, which led to the
ultimate dissolution of the League of Nations and subsequently, caused World
War II. I fear that United States
policy today threatens to destroy the efficacy of the U.N. as a guarantor of
peace and cooperation.
International Peacekeeping
The League of Nations
The League of Nations
entered into formal existence in 1920, and was intended to be an international
association for the "furtherance of cooperation among nations, the
settlement of international disputes, and the preservation of the peace formed
after the First World War" (The League of Nations). The organization included an assembly and a
council which were responsible for discussing and resolving any matter affecting
peace in the world. For several years,
the League effectively settled disagreements between nations. The League was responsible for the peaceful
resolution between Sweden and Finland in 1920-21 and Greece and Bulgaria in
1925, for example (Columbia Encyclopedia).
However, the withdrawal of the "Anti-Comintern
bloc," Germany, Italy and Japan (which were major world players at the
time), led to the ultimate downfall of the organization (The League of
Nations). Japan formally withdrew from
the League in 1933, shortly after invading Manchuria in 1931 and not long
before single-handedly inciting a war against China in 1937. Germany also
withdrew from the League in 1933 just as it was beginning to militarize the
Rhineland; Germany subsequently created an “anschluss” with Austria, took the
Sudentenland and then all of Czechoslovakia, and finally invaded Poland
(Columbia Encyclopedia). Italy overtly
disregarded the League of Nation's policy when, without the approval of the
League, it attacked and conquered Ethiopia to make it a part of the new Italian
Empire (The League of Nations).
The blatant disregard by these nations
for the goals of cooperation and security that were the cornerstone of the
League, ultimately led to the failure of the League of Nations. The League faced threats to international
peace throughout the 1930s that it could not resolve without support from all
member nations. Japan, Germany and
Italy's indifferent, non-committal attitude toward the League, along with their
aggressive actions to settle important matters by themselves, and the failure
of the remaining states to take firm action against them, finally disbanded the
entire organization (League of Nations).
The United Nations
While the League of Nations ultimately
failed, its success lay in the conceptual model it left behind which was used
as a framework for creating the United Nations (U.N.) following World War
II. The Charter of the United Nations
was signed in San Francisco, California, on June 26, 1945, with the same
purpose as the former League of Nations:
"To maintain international
peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for
the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of
acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by
peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and
international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or
situations which might lead to a breach of the peace"
(Charter
of the United Nations, Article 1)
The organization was designed to provide
a constitution for world government, encourage discussion of disputes between
nations, and avoid armed force except in rare circumstances of "common
interest" (Lynne; Charter of the United Nations; Palmer, p. 844). These
goals were intended to encourage peace, equality, and human freedom. The General Assembly and Security Council,
similar to the assembly and council from the League of Nations, are two of six
main bodies in the U.N. These are the
bodies that act primarily on issues of international peace and security.
Currently, there are 191 members in the
United Nations (List of Member States).
Unlike with the League of Nations which the United States never chose to
join, the U.S. was one of the original 51 member states, and has been a member
of the organization since its inception in 1945, and is one of five permanent
voting members of the Security Council
(About the United Nations/History).
The United States
While the United States has been
involved in this cooperative, peacekeeping organization from the beginning,
recently it has developed into an economic, military and technological
superpower, with a reputation as an aggressor (Friedman). The last time Congress issued a formal
declaration of war was December 11, 1941, starting World War II (Paul,
Violating the Constitution). In all
conflicts since then, including the Korean and Vietnam Wars in the
mid-twentieth century, the U.S. has been acting independently and aggressively,
invading other countries out of self-interest, sometimes under the pretense of
a “necessary regime change,” to fight communism or to retaliate against acts of
terrorism. For example, the United
States has forcefully and single-handedly attacked Grenada (1983), Libya (1986),
Panama (1989) and Afghanistan and Sudan (1998), to name a few (The History Guy;
German TV exposes CIA; Operation Just Cause).
It has established its military might all around the world, and
consequently, its reputation as a bully.
Much of the rest of the world uneasily accepts the premise that the
United States holds ultimate superpower status, especially after the
dissolution of the USSR at the end of the Cold War, but many countries are
beginning to resent and even fear that unopposed U.S. political, economic and
military power is a greater threat than “insignificant” dictators like Saddam
Hussein. In an online TimeEurope
Magazine poll from earlier this year, 86.9% of 706,842 voters felt the United
States “pose[d] the greatest danger to world peace in 2003,” with 6.3% of the
vote for Iraq and 6.7% for North Korea (Biggest Threat to Peace).
It is fairly realistic to fear the
United States from the perspective of a country which would be incapable of
standing up to the U.S. military.
Today, the U.S. openly refers to those countries which pose the greatest
threat (Iran, Iraq and North Korea) as the “Axis of Evil,” the next
targets. The winter of 2003 proved that
the U.S. is serious about going after these countries, with or without a clear
reason or global support.
International opinion of the United
States has been that of a “super-bully” for many years now (Paul, Clinton Turning U.S.). Given its history of aggression against
foreign countries and its powerful military, “most governments worry about
the...unilateralist tendencies” of the United States (Keogh). Representative Ron Paul notes that the U.S.
is becoming an “international cop seeking to right wrongs in every corner of
the globe...mindlessly poking its nose into every situation.” Furthermore, many in the international community
fear that “Americans are claiming the right to reorder the world according to
their beliefs” (Spiegel).
War In Iraq
“Operation
Iraqi Freedom” is just one example of the United State’s trend toward
unilateral force. Traditionally,
“defense against an aggression under way, recovery of something stolen, or
punishment for evil” are the three “just cause” reasons for going to war
(Weigel). The United States has tried
to claim these as reasons for aggression against Iraq, but the proof is
lacking. For instance, Bush’s most
compelling argument for war was that “Saddam Hussein possessed nuclear,
chemical and biological arms – weapons of mass destruction” (Duffy). Washington used CIA intelligence before the
war to prove weapons building sites existed.
However, Lieutenant General James T. Conway remarked that “virtually
every ammunition supply point between Kuwait and Baghdad” has been checked, and
no weapons have been found
(Weigel). Bush, on the other hand,
claimed that the U.S. found two
trailers with laboratory equipment but without any pathogens inside,
nevertheless “tantamount to a discovery of weapons” (Milbank). He asserts that they will find more as time
goes by – but more weapons or more abandoned laboratories? In retrospect, the supposed threat from the
existence of weapons of mass destruction that the Bush administration estimated
in January at approximately 38,000 liters of botulinum toxin and 500 tons of
sarin, mustard and VX nerve agents” (Milbank), “appears to have been a ruse”
(Zunes)!
Washington
also tried to link Saddam Hussein with Al-Qaeda. Even after gathering thousands of Iraqi documents and questioning
many Iraqi officials on the issue, it appears that there was no direct Iraqi
support of terrorist organizations for more than a decade (Zunes). In fact, fundamentalist terrorist groups
like Al-Qaeda despise Hussein for the relatively secularized and westernized,
non-fundamentalist Iraqi culture he has created (McLain). Some even speculate that Osama bin Laden and
Al-Qaeda were encouraging the pending U.S. attack (Paul, Violating the
Constitution).
Thus,
the pre-empted strike by the U.S. was not a defense against an aggression, a
recovery of something stolen or a punishment for evil. Iraq apparently possessed no weapons of mass
destruction. Even if weapons had been a
legitimate concern, why was the Bush administration unable to convince even its
closest allies in Europe that this was the real reason for going to war (U.S.
Unilateralism)? Since Iraq posed no
immediate threat to the United States, and maybe Europe realized this, it is
quite likely that the U.S. had a hidden agenda (U.S. Unilateralism). Could this hidden agenda include setting an
example for nearby countries (i.e., Syria and Iran), or using Iraq “as a
launching pad for changing the status quo in the Middle East” (Speigel)?
Not
only did the United States attack Iraq without clear justification, it went to
war without the consent of the United Nations.
The United Nations was established to resolve conflict between nations
in a peaceful manner, and to find alternatives to war. Only under extreme and warranted
circumstances is war an acceptable measure.
Even then, “it should be a coordinated undertaking authorized by
Congress and sanctioned by the member states of the United Nations, not
preemptive strike initiated by the President of the United States”
(Nyden). The U.S. did not have a
declaration of war from Congress or majority consent from the U.N.
Opposition in Europe
Furthermore,
world opinion was anti-war. In
particular, the European Union was fundamentally divided along this issue, with
strong backing of U.S. policy from the governments of the United Kingdom,
Spain, Poland and Italy and strong opposition from the governments of France,
Germany, Belgium, Switzerland and the Netherlands (Ash). The French and Germans
cited several reasons for opposing a U.S.-led attack in Iraq. They did not believe another country should
dictate which government controls Iraq; they believed such a strike would
encourage the terrorist movement and would lend pity to Saddam Hussein for
being subject to the United States, the bully; and they believed that Europe
remembered war more vividly than did the U.S. and thus, was historically more
opposed to action (McLain). This is not
to say that the French and the Germans liked or approved of Saddam Hussein or
recognized that Iraq posed a theoretical threat, but they believed that force
should be a last resort (McCartney).
Repercussions
Despite
world opinion, lack of support by the U.N. and by some of the United State’s
traditional allies (France and Germany), the U.S. led a 3-week war in Iraq
(March 20 – April 9, 2003), which ultimately ousted Hussein from office
(Reuters; McCartney). What political
repercussions will transpire for the United States and the world from such
offensive action?
The
United States itself faces serious consequences from the war in Iraq. Lynne believes an act of unilateral warfare
jeopardizes U.S. sovereignty and “personal liberty for individual American
citizens.” This will likely appear in
the form of anti-American sentiment around the world (Zunes). Zunes suggests that Osama bin Laden might be
most pleased with the outcome of this aggression, as the U.S. faces the
prospect of “unprecedented hostility” from the international community. As a result, the United States and its
citizens might be less safe than they were before the war. U.S. actions in the Middle East might help
with fundamentalist (i.e., Al-Qaeda) recruitment as the Arab world confirms the
hatred of the Muslim East by the Christian West (Paul, Violating the
Constitution). This in turn might lead
to an increased threat of nuclear proliferation and terrorism attacks when
countries realize that the only way to stand up to U.S. hegemony is with
asymmetrical warfare (Zunes). Chris
Patten, the European Union’s External Relations Commissioner remarked that
“‘invading Iraq while failing to bring peace to the Middle East would create
exactly the sort of conditions in which terrorism would be likely to thrive’”
(Watson).
European Relations
In
addition, the U.S. faces repercussions in its relations with Europe. In the span of a few months of this
Iraqi-war debate, the United States has alienated many of its former “Old
Europe” allies. Before the war even
began, the international community recognized that the way the U.S. deals with
Iraq will affect the future relationship it has with Europe, particularly with
France and Germany who were leading the opposition to U.S.-led war (McLain). Today, the trans-Atlantic rift is seen as
“one of the worst crises since World War II” (McCartney). The Bush administration, filled with
“‘resentment and anger’ against France” (Sciolino) is already encouraging
consumers to boycott French products, which in turn threatens to harm the
French economy, one that is already facing recession (McCartney;
Sciolino). The U.S. also publicly
announces that it is trying to downgrade France’s status in international
conferences, limit participation in American-sponsored meetings, and suspend
cooperation in military, law-enforcement and intelligence sharing (Sciolino;
Bumiller). While the Bush
administration has not enumerated specific punishments for France, they report
that consequences will be more than “philosophical” (Bumiller).
Though
U.S.-French relations are degraded, France is making efforts to act
pragmatically towards the United States. French President Jacques Chiraq views
French opposition to the United States not as betrayal, “‘but the normal
objection that a friend would make to another friend for the sake of a better
world,’” yet also believes that America needs a counterweight (i.e., a
Franco-German axis) to its “‘hyperpower’” image, to guarantee a multipolar
world (McCartney; Speigel).
While
U.S.-German relations have been largely overlooked in media coverage, Germany
essentially holds the same views as France.
For months, the Franco-German alliance had tried to prevent the U.S.
from going to war in Iraq, and continues to hold similar views on the post-war
issue (McCartney) – only much of Washington’s reproach has been directed
against France.
The
issue of relations with former European allies is more complex, however. Within Europe, this Franco-German alliance
has created a great rift right through the heart of the continent. Poland and other Eastern European countries
have aligned themselves with the U.S., causing friction between Eastern and
Western Europe. The Bush administration
is not trying to heal this split nor is it endorsing an integrated Europe. The long-term U.S.-European relationship is
uncertain. How will issues within
Europe resolve themselves? Some believe
the split is “providing new momentum for efforts to create a common European
foreign policy – which...might prevent the kind of fissures in the Western
alliance created by the Iraq war” (Boston, Europe Considers). On the other hand, what kind of relationship
does Europe want with the U.S. now – partnership or rivalry (Ash)? Similarly, what kind of relationship does
the U.S. want? While the U.S. has the
military might to win a war alone, “it needs the international community to win
the peace” (Boston, Europe Shifts Focus).
United Nations Relations
Perhaps
more importantly, the U.S. violated the “world constitution,” as embodied in the
U.N. By circumventing the United
Nations and initiating war without any consent or approval by other member
states, the United States most fundamentally violated the U.N. Charter “which
prohibits member countries from attempting to force a regime change among other
member countries” (McLain). Article 2
states that members should settle their disputes by peaceful means, and refrain
from force, and Article 33:
1. The parties to any
dispute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of
international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a solution by
negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial
settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful
means of their own choice.
2. The Security Council
shall, when it deems necessary, call upon the parties to settle their dispute
by such means.
(Charter
of the United Nations)
The
United States violated these standards – it did not explore peaceful ways of
resolving “issues” with Iraq, and subsequently led a highly controversial,
forceful mission to overthrow the government.
And it did not end up going through the Security Council. In fact, the U.S. had very little support in
this war effort, either at home or internationally. Given these circumstances, such U.S. action can only be
interpreted as unilateral aggression, in violation of the trust of our “Old
Europe” allies and of the U.N. Charter, the international constitution.
Fall of the U.N.?
French Foreign Minister Dominique de
Villepin states it correctly: “‘The United Nations cannot be ignored’” (Boston,
Europe Shifts Focus). The last time
countries acted outside the international governing body (the League of Nations
at the time), the peacekeeping organization fell apart. In the 1930s, Japan, Germany and Italy acted
out of self-interest, disregarding the mission of the League of Nations –
subsequently, World War II occurred.
Interestingly, the United States had never joined the League, some say
causing a weakness in the organization from the beginning (The League of
Nations), but the independent actions of these few powerful nations were enough
to topple the League. When we examine
what has been going on today, it is surprising to see the similarities between
United States’ actions and that of the Axis powers before World War II.
Will the United States’ continued
disregard for international cooperation through discussions and joint
resolutions in the U.N. be the ultimately death knell for that
organization? Will the balance of power
in the world become so badly skewed that the U.S. finds itself at war with
virtually the rest of the world? Will
unrestrained U.S. military power, used unilaterally, cause a new nuclear arms
race throughout the world? In trying to
make the nation safer, through pre-emptive military force, has the U.S. made
itself more hated and threatened?
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